Rockový reliéf Naram-Sin, Sulaimaniya, Irak

Rockový reliéf Naram-Sin, Sulaimaniya, Irak


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File: Naram-Sin Rock Relief at Darband-i-Gawr, Qaradagh Mountain, Sulaymaniyah. Iraq.jpg

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Taposiris Magna Stele: Another Rosetta Stone

Stela nájdená v Taposiris Magna, zapísaná vedľa seba v hierglyfickej a demotickej.

Archeologickej misii SCA v spolupráci s Katolíckou univerzitou Santo Domingo (Dominikánska republika), ktorá pracuje na mieste Taposiris Magna, sa podarilo objaviť vápencovú stélu s nápismi Hieroglyfické a Demotické.

Minister pre pamiatky Dr. Eldamaty uviedol, že objavená stéla obsahuje 20 hieroglyfických línií s kráľovskými kartušami kráľa “Ptolomy V ”, do ktorého bola stéla zapísaná počas siedmeho roku jeho vlády. Objavujú sa aj kartuše manželky a sestry Ptolomyho a kráľovnej “Cleopatra I ”, jeho otca, kráľa “Ptolomy IV ” a jeho manželky “Arsinoe III ”.

Demotické nápisy, ktoré ležia v spodnej časti stély, pozostávajú z piatich riadkov textu, ktoré sa zdajú byť prekladom a kópiou predchádzajúcich hieroglyfických riadkov. Eldamaty dodal, že stéla má 105 cm. dĺžka, 65 cm. šírka a 18 cm. hustý.


Ráma v irackých skalných rezbách.

(1) Ram, syn prvorodeného Jerahmeela (Kronika 2:27)

(2) A ’ram ’ - Syn Hezrona a Ježišov predok » s názvom ARAM (Matúš 1: 3,4 Lukáš 3:33)

(3) 33, syn Amminadaba, syna Rama, Lukáš 3:33

(4) RAMATH - mesto kmeňa Simeon (Jozue 19: 8)

(5) RAMATH-LEHI-Miesto, kde Samson zabil tisíc Filištíncov čeľustnou kosťou osla (Sudcovia 15:17)

(6) RAMATH -MIZPEH - mesto na území kmeňa Gad (Jozue 13:26)

(7) RAMESES - Egyptský okres, ktorý obývali Izraeliti (Genesis 47:11 Exodus 1: 1112: 37 Numbers 33: 3,5)

(8) (Hovorí sa mu aj Raamses.) RAMESES - Egyptský okres, ktorý obývalo mesto I », vybudované Izraelitmi ako mesto pokladov pre jedného z faraónov (2. Mojžišova 1:11)

(9) RAMIÁŠ - Izraelita v čase Ezry - vzal si neizraelskú manželku (Ezdráš 10:25)

(10) DAVID » izraelský kráľ » Saul sa ho pokúsi zabiť, utečie do Rámy a žije v Naiote, kde ho Saul prenasleduje (1. Samuelova 19: 9-24)

(11) NAIOTH » Miesto v Ramah (1. Samuelova 19: 18,19,2220: 1)

(12) RAMOTH-GILEAD » Tiež sa nazýva RAMAH (1. Kráľov 8: 2 2 Paralipomenon 22: 6

(13) SAMUEL a#187 sudca (vodca) Izraela, jeho súdna stolica v Beth-el, Gilgal, Mizpeh a Ramah (2. Samuelova 7: 15-17)

(14) IZRAEL » (Obvykle sú v zoznamoch uvedené mená Leviho a Jozefa a#187 Cesta od Ramesesa do Succothu (2. Mojžišova 12: 37-39)

(15) SUCCOTH » Prvé kempingové miesto Izraelitov po opustení mesta Rameses (2. Mojžišova 12: 3713: 20, Čísla 33: 5,6)

(16) JEHOSHAPHAT » judský kráľ » sa pripája k Achabovi pri invázii do Ramoth-gileádu (1 Kráľ 22 2 Kronika 18)


Podstatné meno RAMAH sa vyskytuje v nasledujúcich kontextoch:

1. Mesto na území kmeňa Ašer (Jozue 19:29)

2. Mesto na území kmeňa Naftalí (Jozue 19:36)

3. Volal sa RAMA (Matúš 2:18)

4. Hovorí sa mu aj RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM » Mesto blízko hory Efraim (Júda 1: 4,5 1 Samuel 1: 1)

5. Hovorí sa mu tiež RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM » Home of Elkanah (1 Samuel 1: 1,192: 11)

6. Hovorí sa mu tiež RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM » Home of Samuel (1 Samuel 1: 19,207: 178: 415: 3416: 13)

7. Nazýva sa tiež RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM a#187 David uteká do (1. Samuelova 19:18)

8. Tiež sa nazýva RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM » Samuel zomiera a bol pochovaný v roku (1. Samuelova 25: 128: 3)

9. Nazýva sa RAMA a#187 Mesto pridelené kmeňu Benjamin (Joshua 18:25 Sudcovia 19:13)

10. Nazývaný RAMA » Pokus o opevnenie Asou kráľom Baashom (1. Kráľov 15: 17-22 2 Paralipomenon 16: 1-6)

11. Volajú sa RAMA a#187 ľudí z, návrat z babylonského zajatia (Ezdráš 2:26 Nehemiáš 7: 3011: 33)

12. Nazývaný RAMA a#187 Jeremiah uväznený v (Jeremiáš 40: 1)

13. Hovorí sa RAMA a#187 proroctiev týkajúcich sa (Izaiáš 10:29 Jeremiáš 31:15 Ozeáš 5: 8 Matúš 2:18)

14. RAMAH » Pozri RAMOTH-GILEAD

Ramoth - Gilead uvádza zmienku v nasledujúcom texte: -

(1) Obkľúčený Izraelom a Júdom tam zabitý Achab (1. Kráľov 22: 29–36 2 Paralipomenon 18)

(2) Vo vlastníctve Sýrčanov (2. Kráľov 22: 3)
Jeden z tamojších Šalamúnových komisárov (2. Kráľov 4:13)

(3) Zotavil sa Joram Joram tam zranený (2. Kráľov 8: 28,299: 14,15 2 Paralipomenon 22: 5,6)

(4) Nazýva sa tiež RAMAH (2. Kráľov 8: 2 2 Paralipomenon 22: 6)

(5) Elizeus tam pomazáva Jehua za kráľa (2. Kráľov 9: 1–6)

(6) Mesto na území kmeňa Gad a jedno z útočištných miest (5. Mojžišova 4:43 Joshua 20: 8 1 Paralipomenon 6:80)

“ V Ramah je počuť hlas,
plač a veľký smútok,
Rachel plače za svojimi deťmi
a odmietajúc útechu,
pretože už nie sú. ” [a]

17 komentárov:

Ak vám nevadí, bol tu príspevok na blog, kde ste povedali, že „koncept Lakshmi“ sa formoval v období Hiranya. Čo tým vlastne myslíš?

Písal som o koncepte Lakshmi v niektorých zo svojich tamilských blogov. V tomto anglickom blogu som o tom ešte nepísal, okrem nasledujúceho odkazu, kde som sa zaoberal božským aspektom Lakshmi ako „vôle“ Boha alebo manželky Višnua: http://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.com/2011/04/ myslienky-na-sri-rama-navami-open-letter.html

V druhej časti tohto článku nájdete koncept Lakshmi alebo jeho vznik.

//
Máme na mysli súdne príkazy, ktoré hovoria
o 'will ' as in 'Customing that It might be many '
a 'Myslenie ' ako v 'Myslel som si##8211 Môžem sa stať
mnohonásobné a narodené ' (chandogya) sú povahy Sri
bez ktorého existencie / naliehania to Najvyšší robí
neuvažovať o ničom.

Vôľa alebo Myšlienka sú jeho súčasťou, pre ktorú
jednoduchšie porozumenie je údajne usadené v Jeho
manas. Ramanuja to vo svojej dhyaana sloke uznáva
na Sri Bhashyam na Vedanta sutras takto:- & quot May my
porozumenie nadobúda formu láskyplnej oddanosti
najvyšší Brahman, ktorý je domovom Lakshmi. & quot
implikácia toho, že neurobí nič bez toho, aby bol
Lakshmi ďalej overuje
Purvacharyas.

Pre lepšie pochopenie si musíte prečítať celý článok v uvedenom odkaze alebo v strednej časti tohto článku.

Teraz pre myšlienku, že tento koncept bol vyvinutý počas Hiranya, prečítajte si môj tamilský článok.

Prečítajte si tamilský blog http://thamizhan-thiravidana.blogspot.com/2012/10/111.html

Ako pokračovanie tohto článku si môžete prečítať aj tento blog

Nasledujúci článok je tiež potrebné prečítať, aby ste pochopili polohu Hiranyapury a formácie alebo Manavy atď.

http://thamizhan-thiravidana.blogspot.com/2012/10/112-1.html
Tento článok obsahuje podrobnosti o Tobe a jazere Toba, ktoré spomína Narada v MB.

Predtým ste sa pýtali na Muruga.
V sekcii komentárov tohto blogu som napísal niekoľko:
http://jayasree-saranathan.blogspot.com/2010/08/paripadal-1-thirumaal.html?showComment=1344360117837#c4235024910705559368

V časti s komentármi tohto článku nájdete informácie o Lakshmi a Lakshmi na hrudi Thirupathi Venkateswara.

V tomto odkaze http://thamizhan-thiravidana.blogspot.com/2012/10/112-1.html
Písal som o formovaní zvierat podľa MB (Mahabharata)
Tam je napísané, že prvé slony sa objavili na Juhu. Bola to Supratika a Airavadha je neskorším rodom tejto odrody.

Nedávno publikovaná čínska štúdia o prítomnosti ľudí v Daoxionu zaznamenala, že medzi pozostatkami bol nájdený aj vzácny druh zvieraťa podobného slonovi. Hovorí sa mu Stegodon orientalis. Toto je dôležitý vstup pri sledovaní genézy slonov, najmä Airavadha v južnej časti pologule.

Prečítajte si viac na: http://archaeologynewsnetwork.blogspot.com/2015/10/modern-humans-out-of-africa-sooner-than.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+TheArchaeologyNewsNetwork+%28The+ Správy+sieť%29#.ViD9bH6rTIU

Podľa MB (rozprávanie Narada) sa prvé slony vytvorili iba na juhu. Vedci si však doteraz mysleli, že prvé slony sa vytvorili v Afrike. V tejto súvislosti reprodukujem svoj komentár z môjho tamilského blogu, kde som písal o slonoch v Sundalande alebo v Číne. Čínsky objav publikovaný pred 2 dňami o slonovom tvorovi súhlasí s verziou MB.

Od
http://thamizhan-thiravidana.blogspot.com/2011/01/34.html
//
Doteraz dešifrovaná história Woolly Mammoth je taká, že existovala staršia africká verzia, z ktorej sa vyvinula európska a čínska verzia. Európska verzia sa ďalej presťahovala na sever, pričom slnečné žiarenie sa stalo vhodným pre dané prostredie.

V článku 112 súčasnej série sú uvedené podrobnosti o zvieratách, ktoré sa vyvinuli na juhu rovníka, odvodené z dialógu Mathali-Narada v Mahabharate (5-99). Tam sú spomenuté slony Iravadamu. Tam je tiež povedané, že Iravadham bola bývalá vyvinutá odroda a potom sa vyvinuli ďalšie 3 odrody. To sa dobre hodí k vedeckému zisteniu, že prvé slony sa vyvinuli na juhu - aj keď to hovorí v Afrike podľa našich aktuálne dostupných informácií.
- Informácie o južnom mori Mahabharaty (z ktorých je väčšina miest už preč) musia byť Indonézia alebo Sundaland.

Odtiaľ sa Iravadham presťahoval na sever cez Čínu (ktorú identifikoval článok wiki) a Barmu. Slon Iravadham a rieka Iravathy sa nachádzajú v Barme, Barma sa v minulosti volala Indra dweepa - Iravadham bol slon Indra. K presunu na sever došlo touto cestou až na Sibír, keď bolo v tom čase k dispozícii slnečné žiarenie. (Prečítajte si môj anglický článok citovaný vyššie)

Ďalšou cestou pre slony je z Afriky do Európy do najsevernejších oblastí. Podľa Ramayany je v tomto regióne hora Indra Shira. Keďže Indra je vždy stotožňovaný so slonom najvyššej kvality, vyvodzujem z toho, že mamut vlnený do tohto popisu zapadá.

Indra znamená rast ľudí / populácie. Ak je vždy stotožnený so slonom, znamená to, že človek a slon koexistovali vždy, keď sa zvýšil počet obyvateľov, a žili v organizovaných spoločnostiach. Hovorím organizované spoločnosti, pretože slon je dôležitým symbolom kráľov ashta mangaly.
//

Úprimná vďaka za tieto skvelé postrehy a informácie.

Prepáčte, že to znova otváram.
& quot
Napríklad vzostup ľudskej civilizácie za posledných jeden lakh rokov začal v južných moriach v Indickom oceáne, s čím väčšina genetických vedcov súhlasí. Odišlo na severnú pologuľu asi pred 60 000 rokmi po ústupe Toba-efektu. Potom, keď bol sever pokrytý ľadom, došlo k posunu zo severu na juh a#8211 nie cez Indiu, ale cez Čínu do Sundalandu (dnešná Indonézia). Z rozprávania Mahábháraty (Anusasana parva – kapitola 93) je známe, že k migrácii po pohybe Slnka došlo zo severu na juh. V tejto kapitole je to šikovne vysvetlené pomocou etymologických významov mien siedmich rishis a ďalších.
& quot
Vyššie uvedená časť mi nie je celkom jasná.
Zo všetkých článkov, ktoré ste uviedli, Sundaland a oblasti okolo neho prekypovali aktivitou. Keď Mt.Toba explodovala, skupina ľudí migrovala. Devovia boli tí, ktorí sa presťahovali na Sibír/Altaj. Stalo sa to okolo 40 000 BP.

Teraz, keď nastala doba ľadová, sa títo ľudia presťahovali a usadili sa ako Inkovia, Peublos atď .. a nie je o nich žiadna zmienka, pretože

Čo mi nie je jasné, je citát, ktorý som uviedol vyššie. Potom, čo sa skupina ľudí presťahovala na sever a usadila sa na Sibíri, sa už nevrátili späť do Číny/Sundalandu. Ale vo svojom citáte vyššie hovoríte, že k takejto migrácii došlo.

Môžete mi prosím hodiť nejaké svetlo pls.

Aby som citoval, kde som rozumel vyššie uvedeným informáciám
& quot
Genetické štúdie ukazujú, že raná skupina sa presúva cez Indiu a do severných oblastí. Stalo sa to pred 40 000 rokmi a trvalo to dovtedy, kým nenastala doba ľadová. To zodpovedá popisu polárnych devov. Ich prevalencia sa skončila pred 10 000 rokmi, čo považujem za zodpovedajúce vyhynutiu slonov Woolly Mammoth, nachádzajúcich sa na extrémnom severe. Indra (vodca Devasu) bol známy svojim slonom, menom Iravatha.

V tom čase a do tej doby bola India riedko osídlená. Dôvodom sú mapy Grahama Hancocka a vegetácie Indie.
& quot
Z vyššie uvedeného som teda pochopil, že asi pred 40 000 rokmi sa Devovia presťahovali z juhu na sever a potom sa o nich hovorilo až do doby ľadovej. Možno sa usadili ako Peublos, Inclas atď.

V prvom citáte je však odkaz na tieto Devy, ktorí sa presúvajú späť na juh.

Po prvé, kto sú Devovia?
Popis toho, kto sú, sa líši (napísal som to) a nevieme, kto presne boli ľudia, ktorí sa presťahovali / migrovali.

Dôkazy, ktoré máme k dispozícii, sú (z vedy) (1) Austrálske gény vo fosíliách Altaja. (2) zaniknutý Denisovanov gén nájdený iba v Ázii (východná Ázia) a v Altaji a jeho prelínanie sa v predkoch súčasných Malenézanov / Austrálčanov.

Spojenie medzi Austráliou a Altajom známe z tohto + rozprávanie o MB + odkazy Indra / Deva na juh (Barma / Iravadham atď.) Atď. Ukazujú, že tento sektor bol pravidelnou migračnou cestou.

Ak vidíte mapy, ktoré som nakreslil na základe mnohých vstupov, ktorými som sa zaoberal, vidíte, že Himaláje pôsobili ako prekážka priamej migrácie z juhu na sever alebo naopak. K migrácii došlo buď na východe alebo na západe Himalájí. Vyššie uvedená písomná migrácia je na východe Himalájí, čo je veľmi možné a mohlo by to mať za následok ďalší pohyb cez Pacifik do Ameriky.

Puranicky sa Indra zo severu vydala za Sachiho z južných častí. Prichádza obdobie Skandy. Skanda sa vydala za Indrovu dcéru. Keď príde k tomuto druhu manželského spojenia, hordy ľudí by sa presťahovali spolu s princeznou, ktorá sa vydala za Indru alebo Skandu. Ďalším vstupom je Matali (tradičný názov pre vozatajov v krajine Indra), ktorý si vzal svoju dcéru za bytosť z ďalekého juhu. Pohyb týchto ľudí sa mohol uskutočniť západným koridorom Himalájí. V jednom z tamilských článkov som napísal o Muchukunde, ktorý strážil Indrovu krajinu, keď Indra išiel do vojny s Asurasom a na oplátku nainštaloval Nalangadi Bhootham do Pumpukaaru. Pumpukaar bola najjužnejšou základňou ľudí, ktorí podporujú klan Indrov. Je to bližšie k rovníku a všimnite si, že je to bližšie k Sundalandu, ktorý je lepším kandidátom na ubytovanie Asuras (ľudia z juhu)

Pokiaľ ide o vašu ďalšiu otázku o Hopi, Peublosovi a Inkasovi, všetky ich zatiaľ neuvádzam do uceleného rámca. Zistil som, že v nich je veľa spoločného s védskymi zvykmi, kultúrou a indickým spôsobom života. Napríklad nedávno som náhodou videl typ ornamentu „#Kaaasu maalai“ z kmeňa Mapuche v Čile. Ammi-k-kal z Anishinabi je podobný tomu, ktorý používame v Tamilnadu. (Nájdete ich vystavené v Smithsonianskom múzeu). Ich koncepcia sveta ako 2 ľudí - letných a zimných ľudí súhlasí s Devasom a Asurasom. Od týchto ľudí je čo skúmať a vyvodzovať. Počiatočné ukazovatele sú však také, že sa podobajú védskym / a juhoindickým / tamilským ľuďom. Ak uvidíte fotografie ľudí Inkas a Titicaca bez ich tradičných šiat, najskôr ich identifikujete ako Malajalovcov alebo SV.

Elitárski devovia, ktorých (dedukujem) Yudhsihtra nazývali ľuďmi z Uttar Kuru, ktorí boli zhodou okolností biologickými otcami Pánduovcov, mohli úplne stratiť svoju identitu a presťahovať sa na východ Sibíri (MB krát a neskôr) a splynúť s európskym obyvateľstvom. Táto populácia Uttar kuru zodpovedá obdobiu Rama a MB. To je po 5 000 až 7 000 rokoch BP. Je to oveľa neskôr ako o 10 000 rokov, keď sa o Indrasovi ako takom naposledy počulo.

Reliéf nepatrí Šrí Rámovi. Prečítajte si môj článok o tomto skalnom reliéfe v encyklopédii starovekej histórie http://etc.ancient.eu/2015/04/14/akkadian-rock-relief-belula-pass/. A áno, obrázky reliéfu sú moje a nájdete ich na mojom účte Flickr. Ďakujem za zvýraznenie témy!
Usáma S. M. Amin

A zabudol som povedať, že zväčšený obraz hinduistického božstva nie je správny. Niekto vytesal jeho meno na útese, blízko reliéfu, čo považujem za vandalizmus. V kurdskom jazyku je napísané „Dilovan“ (دلوفان) Diluvan je mužské meno, ktoré znamená milosrdné!

Prečítajte si svoj článok na adrese ancient.eu. Vykonali ste postrehy, na ktoré v blogu poukazujem - absencia brady a šiat. Tieto výrazne chýbajú v Naram-sin alebo v akkadskom alebo asýrskom kráľovi, o ktorom bolo známe, že používal luk. Nápisy mohli byť pridané neskôr, ale nie je slovo Dilovan (milosrdný) vhodné pre akéhokoľvek kráľa z akkadu alebo asýrskeho obdobia? Bolo o nich niekedy známe, že omilostili alebo ušetrili svojich nepriateľov? Rama bol však známy predovšetkým tým, že odpúšťal každému, kto sa ho vzdal. Existuje dokonca aj výskumný článok o spojení Rámy s Mezopotámiou publikovaný na akademickej obci.edu -https: //www.academia.edu/9206525/Indian_Epic_Ramayana_and_Elamite_connection_from_Ancient_Mesopotamia, aj keď s týmto článkom nesúhlasím kvôli mnohým nezrovnalostiam. Základnou myšlienkou však je, že stopy Rama tam boli v Mezopotámii.

Pre vaše nahliadnutie som napísal perzské spojenie s Indiou (vtedajší Bharat) tu: http://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.in/2014/04/from-renuka-to-medusa-were-persians.html

Dokonca aj Assuri boli výhonkami klanu, ktorý opustil Indiu - odkaz je možné vysledovať iba z Ramayany. Prečítajte si môj článok tu-http://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.in/2014/04/maruttas-as-progenitors-of-mundas-and.html

Skála mohla byť niekto iný ako Ráma, ale ukazuje vplyv Rámy na bojovníka pod drobnohľadom. Prítomnosť toľkých Ráma znejúcich mien miest a jednotlivcov v tejto časti zemegule treba analyzovať a presvedčivo vysvetliť.

Vplyv Rámy je možné vidieť na celom východe Indie (juhovýchodná Ázia). Vyvstáva logická otázka, ako sa nepodarilo rozšíriť na západe Indie (západná Ázia)? Vzhľadom na rozsah vandalizmu a brutality, ktoré boli svedkami v uvedenom období skalnej rezby v tejto časti Mezopotámie, vyvoláva pochybnosti, či v tejto časti boli vyhladené stopy kultu Rama. Bojovníkom v rezbárstve mohol byť niekto, kto bol ovplyvnený Rámou, milosrdnou, ktorá bola pripravená odpustiť aj únoscovi svojej manželky, keby vrátil svoju manželku a požiadal o odpustenie.

Šťastné Diwali vám a vašej rodine. Pokračujte v zaplavovaní svojich náhodných myšlienok.

Vážená pani Sheela a pán Surya Siva,

Ďakujem za pozdrav a prajem vám a všetkým ostatným čitateľom šťastný Deepavali.

Áno, pani Sheela, chcem napísať svoje nenáhodné myšlienky. Nejako sa to oneskoruje.

V týchto dňoch sa stalo veľa vecí, čo vyvolali v mojej mysli niektoré reakcie. Hádka o hovädzom mäse bola najhoršia zo všetkých, ktorá ma hlboko zranila a vyvolalo vo mne nevoľnosť, že som obklopený spoločnosťou, ktorá neberie ohľad na život - skôr na akýkoľvek život - či už na život kravy alebo akéhokoľvek iného zvieraťa. Človek, ktorý je na vrchole evolučného rebríčka, má väčšiu zodpovednosť za všetky živé i neživé veci okolo seba. Nie sme jaskynní ľudia, ktorí zabíjali iné živé veci kvôli prežitiu alebo kvôli jedlu. Ako mysliace bytosti sme prešli kus cesty a je úplne barbarské považovať ostatné živé veci za jedlo pre nás.

Najhnusnejší je komentár Kamala Hasana, že by sa radšej nemal zaoberať životom zvierat, pokiaľ ide o kŕmenie ľudí. Dokonca vyhlásil, že nežerie žiadne zviera väčších rozmerov. Iróniou bol taký človek požiadaný dalajlámom, aby propagoval Ahimsu prostredníctvom svojich filmov, a Kamal s tým súhlasil! Mne sa točí hlava, pretože sotva pár dní po tom, čo vyslovil svoju škodlivú podporu pre hovädzie mäso a bez vegetariánstva, vyjadruje Kamal dalajlámovi svoju vieru v Ahimsu. Čo sa deje s Kamilom? Alebo sa niečo deje Kamilovi?

Zhrnuté a podčiarknuté je, že by som veľmi rád prebral z môjho spánku, aby som prostredníctvom svojho blogu urobil niečo, čo by odrádzalo od konzumácie hovädzieho mäsa a dokonca od nevegetariánstva. Mám v pláne napísať karmické efekty konzumácie hovädzieho alebo mäsa. Kým to však budem môcť urobiť, myslím, že môžem začať uverejňovať články, ktoré odrádzajú od konzumácie mäsa a hovädzieho mäsa. Čitatelia môžu posielať takéto články a ja ich zverejním.

Ďalšou myšlienkou, ktorá v tejto chvíli znepokojuje moju myseľ, je debakel BJP v Bihare, ktorý prichádza so začiatkom 10 -ročnej mesačnej dasy v Indii. Chystáme sa do ťažkého obdobia polarizácie a posilnenia srpkovitých síl? Nie je môj starý článok o Advani vs Modi aktuálnejší ako kedykoľvek predtým, že súčasné trendy poškodzujú Sanatan Dharma, ako sa prejavuje v bezcitnej podpore konzumácie hovädzieho mäsa? Neospravedlniteľné obvinenie z tolerancie voči hinduistom je ďalšou záležitosťou, ktorú treba spochybniť. Myslím si, že my blogeri a čitatelia musíme byť v týchto otázkach opäť aktívni. Ukážte mi, čo môžem urobiť. Ak nie sú podrobné články, dovoľte mi uverejniť krátke články alebo správy, aby som ich zvýraznil.

deň, keď vláda zmenila skript, sa pohybuje veľmi agresívne. je to krok urobiť rok 2004 v roku 2019! nejako nemám na Dalajlámu taký dobrý názor.

Úcta k krave a uctievaniu sa považuje za vtip a poveru. ak tak dlho naše desicows hv prežili hinduistami z Guj/ Raj/ UP a Strednej Indie označených ako kravský pás. Teraz samotní lídri yadavy, ktorí jedia hovädzie mäso, sú veľmi urážlivé.

jeden z mojich susedov Kožený podnikateľ a hinduista informuje, že jeho teľacina a kravská koža sú najlepšie. hoci je náboženský, nemá žiadne výčitky svedomia, pretože už používa mŕtvu kožu.
taká je mentalita, ktorú si hinduisti vyladili sami. Ľutujeme, dobytok, ktorý stratil právo na pasienky, pristálo na býčích teliatkach, ktoré predčasne zomreli kvôli umelému oplodneniu v mliečnych farmách.

Hinduisti by mali prestať používať kožený materiál v akejkoľvek forme, aby urobili niečo pre ochranu kráv.

Vegetariáni sú SKUTOČNÝMI MENŠINAMI v dnešnom svete, ktorí musia byť maximálne tolerantní.
Nebojme sa však pokúsiť sa obhajovať tento nádherný koncept, ktorý
skutočne prebúdza našu myseľ a svedomie.

Áno, pani Sheela, nesmieme váhať s propagáciou myšlienky vegetariánstva. Zmena myslenia nemôže nastať zo dňa na deň. Musíme ľudí stále upozorňovať na ich odôvodnenie. Árijská teória invázie nebola odstránená z mysle ľudí za deň alebo rok, ale neustálym odhaľovaním jej prázdnoty počas určitého obdobia. Preto musí byť potreba vzdať sa podpory hovädzieho a mäsového mäsa napísaná vedecky a intelektuálne, aby priniesla zmenu myslenia. Ďalším problémom, ktorý je potrebné odhaliť, je moslimská mylná predstava o ich pôvode a podpora ľudí ako Tipu.


Borsippa, Mezopotámia, júl 2013! Časť I.

Borsippa bolo dôležité staroveké mesto Sumer, postavené na oboch stranách jazera asi 17,7 km juhozápadne od Babylonu na východnom brehu Eufratu. Stránka Borsippa sa nachádza v provincii Babylon v Iraku a teraz sa nazýva Birs Nimrud, kde Arabi identifikujú miesto s Nimrodom. Zikkurat, Veža jazyka,#8221, dnes jeden z najživšie identifikovateľných prežívajúcich zikkuratov, je v neskoršej talmudskej a arabskej kultúre identifikovaný s Babylonskou vežou, hoci ju v skutočnosti postavili sumeroakkadskí stavitelia Zigguratu. ako náboženská stavba na počesť miestneho boha Nabu, nazývaná “son ” of Babylon ’s Marduk, ako by bolo vhodné pre Babylonské menšie sesterské mesto.

بورسيبا (بالسومرية تسمى باد-سي-ا-اب-با وباكدية تسمى برسيب أو تل برسيب) وتسمى حاليا ببرس نمرود, هي مدينة سومرية مهمة قديمة, تم بنائها على جانبي بحيرة تبعد حوالي 17 كلم جنوب مدينة بابل, موقع بورسيبا هو في محافظة بابل (محافظة) في العراق ، وكانت تحتوي مدينة بورسيبا على زقورة وهي موجودة لحد اليوم وحسب التلمود يعتقد بأن ب الزقرة ويعتقد بأن هذه الزقورة كانت من اجل عبادة الالهة نبو اله التجارة عند البابليون الذي ابن الاله مردوخ. حسب التأريخ يعتقد بأن مدينة بورسيبا يعود انشائها إلى عصر سلالة أور الثالثة وفي العصر البابلي كانت مركز القوة لبابل وفي القرن التاسع قبل الميلاد كانت بورسيبا بدأ الكلدان يستقرون فيها. اكويروش. كشفت الحفريات في عام 1854 بقيادة عالم الاثار هينري كريسويك راولنسون واكتشف راولنسون عن معبد لعبادة الاله نبو يعود بنائه إلى عصر الملك الكلداني نبوخذ نصر الثاني, والذي اكتشف بين عامي 1879 و 1881 بقيادة عالم الاثار هرمزد رسام مع فرقة بحث بريطانية.


Biografické znázornenia periférneho priestoru

  • 13 Rozhovor bol vedený a vyhodnotený podľa prístupu „naračnej analýzy životopisu (.)

14 Ako sú na život jednotlivca ovplyvňované vzťahmi centrum-periféria, ktoré podriaďujú jeho bydlisko viacerým formám závislosti a ako jednotlivci tieto vzťahy formujú? Teraz budem diskutovať o situácii mladej ženy žijúcej v Qaradagh-C, ktorú budem volať Hêvî. Keď som sa s ňou stretol prvýkrát v roku 1993, v septembri 2009 som s ňou urobil rozhovor so životným príbehom. 13 Hêvî sa narodila v roku 1973 ako prvá dcéra rodiny náboženských šejkov z rodu Merdoxitovcov z Qaradaghu. Má dvoch bratov a sestru. Jej matka je žena v domácnosti. Počas rozhovoru Hêvî zdôraznila kultúrnu úlohu svojich predkov v 19. storočí, keď Qaradagh-C pozostávalo z 10 000 domov, v ktorých bol uvedený zoznam šejkov, ktorí mali povolenie učiť, a tvrdila, že jedným z prvých sudcov v Sulaimaniya bol jej starý otec.

15 Toto zvýšené sociálne postavenie prostredníctvom pôvodu nemalo žiadny vplyv na ekonomickú situáciu jej rodiny. Hêvîho otec pracoval ako štátny zamestnanec v oddelení poľnohospodárstva. V roku 1988 sa rodine podarilo utiecť do Sulaimaniya, kde Hêvî skončila školu a dokončila si odborné vzdelanie. Po roku 1991 sa rodina vrátila do Qaradaghu a na mieste svojho starého domu postavila nový dom. Hêvî zdôraznil, že nezodpovedá zničenému, ktorý bol vyrobený z tehál, cementu, železa a skla, ale bol menší a mal iba jedno poschodie. Steny boli omietnuté hlinkou a strecha bola z dreva a zmesi hliny a slamy. Stručne povedané, bolo to „rovnako ako domy na dedinách“. V roku 1993 začala Hêvî učiť deti navrátilcov spolu s Rengîn, ženou podobného veku a vzdelania. V tejto dobe sa stala členkou Únie žien PUK. Nemecká mimovládna organizácia Medico International sa súčasne začala venovať tejto oblasti a otvorila kanceláriu v meste Qaradagh-C:

Videli sme, že všetci zamestnanci boli muži, robotníci, strážcovia a tak ďalej. Keď sme navštívili Úniu žien, povedali sme si: „Prečo nie sú žiadne ženy?“ Potom dali Rengînovi a mne prácu. Keď sa ich program skončil, skončila sa aj naša práca.

16 V roku 1995 pracoval Hêvî v Sulaimaniya na oddelení, ktoré organizovalo verejné distribúcie potravín:

Tri alebo štyrikrát týždenne som išiel ráno do Sulaimaniya a vrátil som sa popoludní. Bolo to vyčerpávajúce a mzdy nepokryli ani každodennú dopravu. Tam a späť, ale ja som tam len sedel a nemal som čo robiť. Nielen ja. Nikto nemal čo robiť, pretože v tom čase nebolo čo rozdávať.

17 V roku 1996 dostal Hêvî vyslanie späť do Qaradaghu a pracoval v kancelárii okresnej správy. Sub-okresný riaditeľ však býval a pracoval v meste. Naďalej bola aktívna v Únii žien a zapojila sa do informačných kampaní o nútenom manželstve, domácom násilí a mrzačení ženských pohlavných orgánov. Pokiaľ ide o to posledné, poznamenala:

V Qaradagh-Centre obriezka dievčat neexistuje. Na dedinách neviem. Možno to robia tajne. Na stretnutiach s nimi sme sa však postavili a povedali sme, že sa to nesmie stať.

18 Hêvî dokázala transformovať svoje politické odhodlanie na prácu, keď začala pracovať v knižnici Únie žien. V roku 1999 sa vydala za muža podobného veku a vzdelania z Qaradagh-C, ktorý pracoval pre bezpečnostnú políciu a nebol jej príbuzným. Jej manžel sa neskôr stal vedúcim bezpečnostnej polície v Qaradagh-C. V roku 2009 porodila Hêvî v nemocnici v Sulaimaniyi mužské dvojčatá.

19 V prvých rokoch manželského života manželia žili v dome, ktorý si prenajal niekto, kto mal bydlisko v Sulaimaniya. Potom sa mladej rodine podarilo získať jeden z desiatich domov, ktoré Medico International postavila pre svojich zamestnancov a odovzdala vláde, keď opustila oblasť. Ako dvojmo zarábajúci pár dosiahol určitý blahobyt, viditeľný napríklad vo veľkej dobre vybavenej kuchyni s dávkovačom teplej a studenej vody. Majú to však prenajaté od obce. Väčšina ostatných ľudí v Qaradagh-C žije vo svojich vlastných domoch, ale:

  • 14 Hêvî spomína vysoko postaveného PUK a vládneho činiteľa. Aby som ju ochránil, neuvádzam h (.)
  • 15 Zmena (Goran) bola založená ako volebná platforma v roku 2009 súkromnou mediálnou spoločnosťou Wusha C (.)

20 V septembri 2009 Hêvî využila materskú dovolenku. V tom čase nebolo jasné, či bude pokračovať v práci v knižnici. Jasné však bolo ukončenie jej záväzku voči Únii žien. Rovnako ako mnoho ďalších ľudí v Qaradaghu aj v Sulaimaniji sa netajila hlasovaním za novú opozičnú platformu založenú na Sulaimaniya Zmena vo voľbách v júli 2009.15 V reakcii na to bezpečnostná polícia v Sulaimaniya previedla jej verného manžela PUK, do ktorého bol najskôr poslaný. na vzdialený kontrolný bod a neskôr na ďalší. Potrestať brata alebo manžela takzvanej nelojálnej ženy a vnášať politické spory do obývačiek a spální ľudí je nová metóda, ktorú PUK prijal s cieľom odradiť ostatných od vstupu do opozície. Tak či onak, prípad opäť dokazuje závislosť obyvateľov Qaradagh-C na dianí v Sulaimaniya.

21 Mnoho súčasníkov Hêvî, vrátane jej priateľa Rengîna, sa v posledných rokoch presťahovalo do Sulaimaniya. Nikdy necítila túžbu žiť v meste?

Áno [povedala]. Po povstaní nebola elektrina, nebola voda a potom tu boli komáre. Môj brat, moja sestra a ja sme sa chceli vrátiť do Sulaimaniya, ale môj otec tu pracoval. Takže sme nemohli žiť v Sulaimaniya.

Neskôr som si zvykol na život v Qaradaghu. Teraz sa mi to páči. I don’t believe there is any other place that is so calm and quiet.

23 At first, it was taken for granted that an unmarried daughter must remain under her father’s control. Later, Hêvî and her husband’s respective jobs were the reason for staying. Political activity may have added more meaning to Hêvî’s life. Interestingly, she describes Qaradagh-C as “calm and quiet”, presenting it as an advantage to live outside the city, which in turn can be understood as drawing a distinction between villagers and city dwellers. Several other such hints at distinction emerged in the course of the interview. Hêvî stressed “the lack of strong social relations”, for instance, and compared the “warm” mourning ceremonies in Qaradagh-C with those in Sulaimaniya, which were “colder”. However, she did highlight the privileged access to infrastructure as a positive aspect of the city. As already mentioned, she distinguished between villagers and Qaradagh-C with regard to housing and female genital mutilation. She likewise compared the district to other non-city environments when she claimed that people in Qaradagh “do not make trouble” like “hot-tempered men” in other areas, or that forced marriage was not prevalent here because “the people of Qaradagh live near Sulaimaniya and are more aware.” The most striking statement of distinction between the village and the city emerged when I asked her what the term “village-like” meant to her, a term, as already mentioned, which is frequently applied pejoratively by the Sulaimaniya middle class. Hêvî’s response was:

That’s a very ugly word. And where do the people in the city who use it come from? They all moved from the village to the city. Even today, people from the city are grateful to have the village. They say our cooking fat is village-like. Our yoghurt water is village-like and good. If nobody lived in the village where would they get it from?

24 It is “our” cooking fat and “our” yoghurt: Hêvî was never involved in agricultural production but the widespread negative connotation of this particular term drove her to identify with the villagers of Qaradagh and the non-city environment she lives in. However, her material living conditions and narrations indicate that she neither lives in a “rural” nor in an “urban” space. Rather, her experience can be described as of “rural-urban hybridity”.


4,000-yr-old “Lost” City Discovered – Gateway to Mesopotamia’s First Great Empire

A team of French archaeologists has discovered the remnants of an ancient lost city at Kunara, close to the Zagros mountains, in present-day Iraqi Kurdistan.

At the time the city would have stood on a strategically-important position, “at the gates” of the Akkadian Empire, which is ancient Mesopotamia’s first grandiose empire, archaeologists said.

According to the French team, the recently found city likely belonged to the mountainous pre-Iranian people known as the Lullubi. Dated to the latter part of the 3rd millennium BC, the so far unnamed city may have even served as the capital of the Lullubi.

Territory of the Lullubi in the Mesopotamia area. Photo by Jolle CC BY-SA 4.0

In ancient Mesopotamian scriptures, these mysterious people from the mountains are referred to as barbarians. A limestone artifact depicting one of the Akkadian rulers, Naram-Sin, displayed at the Louvre Museum, shows how he cherishes his victory over the Lullubi. Only a few other mentions in literature exist about these people, perhaps until now. According findings, published in the journal of the French National Center for Scientific Research (CNRS) on March 19, 2019, six excavation campaigns were carried out on the site of Kunara, between 2012 and 2018.

King Anubanini of Lullubi, holding an axe and a bow, trampling a foe. Anubanini rock relief, circa 2300-2000 BC. Sar-I Pul, Iran. Photo by Koorosh Nozad Tehrani CC BY-SA 2.0

Stone foundations of considerable size found both in the upper and lower excavation layers have been dated to circa 2,200 BC. Among the findings are also a number of clay tablets, containing small cuneiform signs each clay retaining a rectangular form and extending about four inches on the sides. This suggests the Lullubi, just like other advanced civilizations of ancient Mesopotamia, were well versed with literacy needed for trading.

CNRS cuneiform specialist Philippe Clancier said in a statement that the scribes who created the tablets “had a firm grasp of Akkadian and Sumerian writing, as well as that of their Mesopotamian neighbors.” Some of the tablets were found to provide information about large repositories which would have supported the city’s extensive agricultural activities. An irrigation system was also in place to aid the growth of crops.

More than that, the tablets used a so far unregistered unit of measurement, different from the Mesopotamian gur. The Lullubi rather used a unit of their own to detail trading, a strong indication they functioned independently. The mighty Akkadians overshadowed the Lullubi, however. But as the leading archaeologist on the team, Aline Tenu, said in a statement, “the city of Kunara provides new elements regarding a hitherto unknown people that has remained at the periphery of Mesopotamian studies.”

Akkadian Empire soldiers on the Victory Stele of Naram-Sin, circa 2250 BC. Photo by Rama CC BY-SA 2.0 fr

The excavations of the Kunara site are widening the perspectives. The occupants of the lost city likely maintained strong economic relationships with regions remote to them — to the north toward Anatolia and beyond to the Caucasus region, and to the east where the ancient Iranians extended.

A variety of artifacts such as stone tools carved from obsidian, carnelian, and basalt suggest the possibility the city indeed connected to those far-flung territories.

“The city must have even been fairly prosperous, as rare stones such as obsidian were used to produce entirely commonplace tools,” said Tenu.

Caucasus. Photo by Bourrichon CC BY-SA 4.0

That the city belonged to an advanced society is evidenced by bones belonging to different animals including lions and bears. Animals of this type were especially prized at the time, and their remnants found around Kunara may be proof of lavish offerings and royal hunting practices. The remains of goats, sheep, and other livestock additionally implicate a developed farming system.

Further analysis of the artifacts collected in the field will hopefully offer more insight about this intriguing and seemingly wealthy city, as well as the political relations it had with the vast empire it neighbored.

More excavations are set to continue in the area, which until relatively recently has remained closed to scientific research due to the persistent tensions and conflicts in the Middle East.


Kultúra

In art there was a great emphasis on the kings of the dynasty, alongside much that continued earlier Sumerian art. Little architecture remains. In large works and small ones such as seals, the degree of realism was considerably increased, [61] but the seals show a « grim world of cruel conflict, of danger and uncertainty, a world in which man is subjected without appeal to the incomprehensible acts of distant and fearful divinities who he must serve but cannot love. This sombre mood … remained characteristic of Mesopotamian art… » [62]

Jazyk

During the 3rd millennium BC, there developed a very intimate cultural symbiosis between the Sumerians and the Akkadians, which included widespread bilingualism. [4] The influence of Sumerian on Akkadian (and vice versa) is evident in all areas, from lexical borrowing on a massive scale, to syntactic, morphological, and phonological convergence. [4] This has prompted scholars to refer to Sumerian and Akkadian in the third millennium as a sprachbund. [4] Akkadian gradually replaced Sumerian as a spoken language somewhere around 2000 BC (the exact dating being a matter of debate), [5] but Sumerian continued to be used as a sacred, ceremonial, literary, and scientific language in Mesopotamia until the 1st century AD. [63]

Poet–priestess Enheduanna

Sumerian literature continued in rich development during the Akkadian period. Enheduanna, the « wife (Sumerian dam = high priestess) of Nanna [the Sumerian moon god] and daughter of Sargon » [64] of the temple of Sin at Ur, who lived c. 2285–2250 BC, is the first poet in history whose name is known. Her known works include hymns to the goddess Inanna, the Exaltation of Inanna a In-nin sa-gur-ra. A third work, the Temple Hymns, a collection of specific hymns, addresses the sacred temples and their occupants, the deity to whom they were consecrated. The works of this poet are significant, because although they start out using the third person, they shift to the first person voice of the poet herself, and they mark a significant development in the use of cuneiform. As poet, princess, and priestess, she was a personality who, according to William W Hallo, « set standards in all three of her roles for many succeeding centuries » [65]

V Exultation of Inanna,

Enheduanna depicts Inanna as disciplining mankind as a goddess of battle. She thereby unites the warlike Akkadian Ishtar&rsquos qualities to those of the gentler Sumerian goddess of love and fecundity. She likens Inanna to a great storm bird who swoops down on the lesser gods and sends them fluttering off like surprised bats. Then, in probably the most interesting part of the hymn, Enheduanna herself steps forward in the first person to recite her own past glories, establishing her credibility, and explaining her present plight. She has been banished as high priestess from the temple in the city of Ur and from Uruk and exiled to the steppe. She begs the moon god Nanna to intercede for her because the city of Uruk, under the ruler Lugalanne, has rebelled against Sargon. The rebel, Lugalanne, has even destroyed the temple Eanna, one of the greatest temples in the ancient world, and then made advances on his sister-in-law. [66]

Curse of Akkad

Later material described how the fall of Akkad was due to Nara-Sin&rsquos attack upon the city of Nipper. When prompted by a pair of inauspicious oracles, the king sacked the E-kur temple, supposedly protected by the god Enlil, head of the pantheon. As a result of this, eight chief deities of the Anunnaki pantheon were supposed to have come together and withdrawn their support from Akkad. [67]

The kings of Akkad were legendary among later Mesopotamian civilizations, with Sargon understood as the prototype of a strong and wise leader, and his grandson Naram-Sin considered the wicked and impious leader (Unheilsherrscher in the analysis of Hans Gustav Güterbock) who brought ruin upon his kingdom. [69] [70]


Amna Suraka

I have written a previous review (about 2 years ago), and have had a chance to revisit. Last time we were asked to leave because of a power outage. I have written about the prison building already. This review is a focus on the displays that deal with forced exodus (aplenty in Iraq), the Anfal atrocities, and the modern ISIS conflict. Finally it creates a space to commemorate the victims of landmines as well as giving thanks to the people who gave limb and life to defuse mines.

All rooms and displays will leave a huge impression. Real thought-provoking things to be seen everywhere. Be it the traumatic processing of the Anfal 'campaigns', acknowledging the partaking of their own local people scattered over 16 Mercenary battalions (a piece of information I did not know), the sheer extent of their murders, the cruelty. The minesweeping displays are standing like mute accusers to the western nations who supplied their mines to be found in Iraqi soil, maiming and killing civilians.


ഉള്ളടക്കം

The Bible refers to Akkad in Genesis 10:10 [10] , which states that the beginning of Nimrod's kingdom was in the land of Akkad. Nimrod's historical identity is unknown, but some have compared him with the legendary Gilgamesh, founder of Uruk. [11] [12] Today, scholars have documented some 7,000 texts from the Akkadian period, written in both Sumerian and Akkadian. Many later texts from the successor states of Assyria and Babylonia also deal with the Akkadian Empire. [12]

Understanding of the Akkadian Empire continues to be hampered by the fact that its capital Akkad has not yet been located, despite numerous attempts. [13] [14] Precise dating of archaeological sites is hindered by the fact that there are no clear distinctions between artifact assemblages thought to stem from the preceding Early Dynastic period, and those thought to be Akkadian. Likewise, material that is thought to be Akkadian continues to be in use into the Ur III period. [15]

Many of the more recent insights on the Akkadian Empire have come from excavations in the Upper Khabur area in modern northeastern Syria which was to become a part of Assyria after the fall of Akkad. For example, excavations at Tell Mozan (ancient Urkesh) brought to light a sealing of Tar'am-Agade, a previously unknown daughter of Naram-Sin, who was possibly married to an unidentified local endan (ruler). [16] The excavators at nearby Tell Leilan (ancient Shekhna/Shubat-Enlil) have used the results from their investigations to argue that the Akkadian Empire came to an end due to a sudden drought, the so-called 4.2 kiloyear event. [17] The impact of this climate event on Mesopotamia in general, and on the Akkadian Empire in particular, continues to be hotly debated. [18]

Excavation at the modern site of Tell Brak has suggested that the Akkadians rebuilt a city ("Brak" or "Nagar") on this site, for use as an administrative center. The city included two large buildings including a complex with temple, offices, courtyard, and large ovens. [19] [20]

The Akkadian Period is generally dated to either: c. (according to the middle chronology timeline of the Ancient Near East), or c. (according to the short chronology timeline of the Ancient Near East.) It was preceded by the Early Dynastic Period of Mesopotamia (ED) and succeeded by the Ur III Period, although both transitions are blurry. For example: it is likely that the rise of Sargon of Akkad coincided with the late ED Period and that the final Akkadian kings ruled simultaneously with the Gutian kings alongside rulers at the city-states of both: Uruk and Lagash. The Akkadian Period is contemporary with: EB IV (in Israel), EB IVA and EJ IV (in Syria), and EB IIIB (in Turkey.) [12] [21]

Timeline of rulers തിരുത്തുക

The relative order of Akkadian kings is clear. The absolute dates of their reigns are approximate (as with all dates prior to the late Bronze Age collapse c. 1200 BC). [22]

Vládca Stredná chronológia
Všetky dátumy pred n. L
Short Chronology
Všetky dátumy pred n. L
Sargon 2334–2279
Rimush 2278–2270
Manishtushu 2269–2255
Naram-Sin 2254–2218
Shar-Kali-Sharri 2217–2193
Interregnum 2192–2190
Dudu 2189–2169
Shu-turul 2168–2154

Pre-Sargonic Akkad തിരുത്തുക

The Akkadian Empire takes its name from the region and the city of Akkad, both of which were localized in the general confluence area of the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. Although the city of Akkad has not yet been identified on the ground, it is known from various textual sources. Among these is at least one text predating the reign of Sargon. Together with the fact that the name Akkad is of non-Akkadian origin, this suggests that the city of Akkad may have already been occupied in pre-Sargonic times. [13] [23]

Sargon of Akkad തിരുത്തുക

Sargon of Akkad (Sharru-kin = "legitimate king", possibly a title he took on gaining power) defeated and captured Lugal-zage-si in the Battle of Uruk and conquered his empire. The earliest records in the Akkadian language date to the time of Sargon. Sargon was claimed to be the son of La'ibum or Itti-Bel, a humble gardener, and possibly a hierodule, or priestess to Ishtar or Inanna. One legend related to Sargon in Assyrian times says that

My mother was a changeling, my father I knew not. The brothers of my father loved the hills. My city is Azurpiranu (the wilderness herb fields), which is situated on the banks of the Euphrates. My changeling mother conceived me, in secret she bore me. She set me in a basket of rushes, with bitumen she sealed my lid. She cast me into the river which rose not over me. The river bore me up and carried me to Akki, the drawer of water. Akki, the drawer of water, took me as his son and reared me. Akki the drawer of water, appointed me as his gardener. While I was gardener Ishtar granted me her love, and for four and (fifty?) . years I exercised kingship. [24]

Later claims made on behalf of Sargon were that his mother was an "entu" priestess (high priestess). The claims might have been made to ensure a descendancy of nobility, considering only a highly placed family can be made such a position. [25]

Originally a cupbearer (Rabshakeh) to a king of Kish with a Semitic name, Ur-Zababa, Sargon thus became a gardener, responsible for the task of clearing out irrigation canals. This gave him access to a disciplined corps of workers, who also may have served as his first soldiers. Displacing Ur-Zababa, Sargon was crowned king, and he entered upon a career of foreign conquest. [26] Four times he invaded Syria and Canaan, and he spent three years thoroughly subduing the countries of "the west" to unite them with Mesopotamia "into a single empire".

However, Sargon took this process further, conquering many of the surrounding regions to create an empire that reached westward as far as the Mediterranean Sea and perhaps Cyprus (Kaptara) northward as far as the mountains (a later Hittite text asserts he fought the Hattian king Nurdaggal of Burushanda, well into Anatolia) eastward over Elam and as far south as Magan (Oman) — a region over which he reigned for purportedly 56 years, though only four "year-names" survive. He consolidated his dominion over his territories by replacing the earlier opposing rulers with noble citizens of Akkad, his native city where loyalty would thus be ensured. [27]

Trade extended from the silver mines of Anatolia to the lapis lazuli mines in modern Afghanistan, the cedars of Lebanon and the copper of Magan. This consolidation of the city-states of Sumer and Akkad reflected the growing economic and political power of Mesopotamia. The empire's breadbasket was the rain-fed agricultural system of Assyria and a chain of fortresses was built to control the imperial wheat production.

Images of Sargon were erected on the shores of the Mediterranean, in token of his victories, and cities and palaces were built at home with the spoils of the conquered lands. Elam and the northern part of Mesopotamia (Assyria/Subartu) were also subjugated, and rebellions in Sumer were put down. Contract tablets have been found dated in the years of the campaigns against Canaan and against Sarlak, king of Gutium. He also boasted of having subjugated the "four quarters" — the lands surrounding Akkad to the north (Assyria), the south (Sumer), the east (Elam), and the west (Martu). Some of the earliest historiographic texts (ABC 19, 20) suggest he rebuilt the city of Babylon (Bab-ilu) in its new location near Akkad. [28]

Sargon, throughout his long life, showed special deference to the Sumerian deities, particularly Inanna (Ishtar), his patroness, and Zababa, the warrior god of Kish. He called himself "The anointed priest of Anu" and "the great ensi of Enlil" and his daughter, Enheduanna, was installed as priestess to Nanna at the temple in Ur.

Troubles multiplied toward the end of his reign. A later Babylonian text states:

In his old age, all the lands revolted against him, and they besieged him in Akkad (the city) [but] he went forth to battle and defeated them, he knocked them over and destroyed their vast army.

It refers to his campaign in "Elam", where he defeated a coalition army led by the King of Awan and forced the vanquished to become his vassals. [29]

Also shortly after, another revolt took place:

the Subartu (mountainous tribes of Assyria) the upper country—in their turn attacked, but they submitted to his arms, and Sargon settled their habitations, and he smote them grievously.

Rimush and Manishtushu തിരുത്തുക

Sargon had crushed opposition even at old age. These difficulties broke out again in the reign of his sons, where revolts broke out during the nine-year reign of Rimush (2278–2270 BC), who fought hard to retain the empire, and was successful until he was assassinated by some of his own courtiers. Rimush's elder brother, Manishtushu (2269–2255 BC) succeeded him. The latter seems to have fought a sea battle against 32 kings who had gathered against him and took control over their pre-Arab country, consisting of modern-day United Arab Emirates and Oman. Despite the success, like his brother he seems to have been assassinated in a palace conspiracy. [30]

Naram-Sin തിരുത്തുക

Manishtushu's son and successor, Naram-Sin (2254–2218 BC), due to vast military conquests, assumed the imperial title "King Naram-Sin, king of the four quarters" (Lugal Naram-Sîn, Šar kibrat 'arbaim), the four quarters as a reference to the entire world. He was also for the first time in Sumerian culture, addressed as "the god (Sumerian = DINGIR, Akkadian = ilu) of Agade" (Akkad), in opposition to the previous religious belief that kings were only representatives of the people towards the gods. [32] [33] He also faced revolts at the start of his reign, [34] but quickly crushed them.

Naram-Sin also recorded the Akkadian conquest of Ebla as well as Armanum and its king. [35] Armanum location is debated it is sometimes identified with a Syrian kingdom mentioned in the tablets of Ebla as Armi, the location of Armi is also debated while historian Adelheid Otto identifies it with the Citadel of Bazi – Tall Banat complex on the Euphrates River between Ebla and Tell Brak, [36] [37] others like Wayne Horowitz identify it with Aleppo. [38] Further, if most scholars place Armanum in Syria, Michael C. Astour believes it to be located north of the Hamrin Mountains in northern Iraq. [39]

To better police Syria, he built a royal residence at Tell Brak, a crossroads at the heart of the Khabur River basin of the Jezirah. Naram-Sin campaigned against Magan which also revolted Naram-Sin "marched against Magan and personally caught Mandannu, its king", where he instated garrisons to protect the main roads. The chief threat seemed to be coming from the northern Zagros Mountains, the Lulubis and the Gutians. A campaign against the Lullubi led to the carving of the "Victory Stele of Naram-Suen", now in the Louvre. Hittite sources claim Naram-Sin of Akkad even ventured into Anatolia, battling the Hittite and Hurrian kings Pamba of Hatti, Zipani of Kanesh, and 15 others. This newfound Akkadian wealth may have been based upon benign climatic conditions, huge agricultural surpluses and the confiscation of the wealth of other peoples. [40]

The economy was highly planned. Grain was cleaned, and rations of grain and oil were distributed in standardized vessels made by the city's potters. Taxes were paid in produce and labour on public walls, including city walls, temples, irrigation canals and waterways, producing huge agricultural surpluses. [41]

In later Assyrian and Babylonian texts, the name Akkad, spolu s Sumer, appears as part of the royal title, as in the Sumerian LUGAL KI-EN-GI KI-URI or Akkadian Šar māt Šumeri u Akkadi, [42] translating to "king of Sumer and Akkad". [43] This title was assumed by the king who seized control of Nippur, [42] the intellectual and religious center of southern Mesopotamia.

During the Akkadian period, the Akkadian language became the lingua franca of the Middle East, and was officially used for administration, although the Sumerian language remained as a spoken and literary language. The spread of Akkadian stretched from Syria to Elam, and even the Elamite language was temporarily written in Mesopotamian cuneiform. Akkadian texts later found their way to far-off places, from Egypt (in the Amarna Period) and Anatolia, to Persia (Behistun).

Collapse തിരുത്തുക

The empire of Akkad fell, perhaps in the 22nd century BC, within 180 years of its founding, ushering in a "Dark Age" with no prominent imperial authority until Third Dynasty of Ur. The region's political structure may have reverted to the status quo ante of local governance by city-states. [44]

Shu-Durul appears to have restored some centralized authority, however, he was unable to prevent the empire eventually collapsing outright from the invasion of barbarian peoples from the Zagros Mountains known as the Gutians.

Little is known about the Gutian period, or how long it endured. Cuneiform sources suggest that the Gutians' administration showed little concern for maintaining agriculture, written records, or public safety they reputedly released all farm animals to roam about Mesopotamia freely and soon brought about famine and rocketing grain prices. The Sumerian king Ur-Nammu (2112–2095 BC) cleared the Gutians from Mesopotamia during his reign.

The Sumerian King List, describing the Akkadian Empire after the death of Shar-kali-shari, states:

Who was king? Who was not king? Irgigi the king Nanum, the king Imi the king Ilulu, the king—the four of them were kings but reigned only three years. Dudu reigned 21 years Shu-Turul, the son of Dudu, reigned 15 years. . Agade was defeated and its kingship carried off to Uruk. In Uruk, Ur-ningin reigned 7 years, Ur-gigir, son of Ur-ningin, reigned 6 years Kuda reigned 6 years Puzur-ili reigned 5 years, Ur-Utu reigned 6 years. Uruk was smitten with weapons and its kingship carried off by the Gutian hordes.

However, there are no known year-names or other archaeological evidence verifying any of these later kings of Akkad or Uruk, apart from a single artefact referencing king Dudu of Akkad. The named kings of Uruk may have been contemporaries of the last kings of Akkad, but in any event could not have been very prominent.

In the Gutian hordes, (first reigned) a nameless king (then) Imta reigned 3 years as king Shulme reigned 6 years Elulumesh reigned 6 years Inimbakesh reigned 5 years Igeshuash reigned 6 years Iarlagab reigned 15 years Ibate reigned 3 years . reigned 3 years Kurum reigned 1 year . reigned 3 years . reigned 2 years Iararum reigned 2 years Ibranum reigned 1 year Hablum reigned 2 years Puzur-Sin son of Hablum reigned 7 years Iarlaganda reigned 7 years . reigned 7 years . reigned 40 days. Total 21 kings reigned 91 years, 40 days.

The period between c. BC and 2004 BC is known as the Ur III period. Documents again began to be written in Sumerian, although Sumerian was becoming a purely literary or liturgical language, much as Latin later would be in Medieval Europe. [24]

One explanation for the end of the Akkadian empire is simply that the Akkadian dynasty could not maintain its political supremacy over other independently powerful city-states. [46] [44]

Drought തിരുത്തുക

One theory associates regional decline at the end of the Akkadian period (and of the First Intermediary Period following the Old Kingdom in Ancient Egypt) was associated with rapidly increasing aridity, and failing rainfall in the region of the Ancient Near East, caused by a global centennial-scale drought. [47] [48] Harvey Weiss has shown that "archaeological and soil-stratigraphic data define the origin, growth, and collapse of Subir, the third millennium rain-fed agriculture civilization of northern Mesopotamia on the Habur Plains of Syria. At 2200 BC, a marked increase in aridity and wind circulation, subsequent to a volcanic eruption, induced a considerable degradation of land-use conditions. After four centuries of urban life, this abrupt climatic change evidently caused abandonment of Tell Leilan, regional desertion, and collapse of the Akkadian empire based in southern Mesopotamia. Synchronous collapse in adjacent regions suggests that the impact of the abrupt climatic change was extensive". [17] Peter B. deMenocal, has shown "there was an influence of the North Atlantic Oscillation on the stream flow of the Tigris and Euphrates at this time, which led to the collapse of the Akkadian Empire". [49]

Excavation at Tell Leilan suggests that this site was abandoned soon after the city's massive walls were constructed, its temple rebuilt and its grain production reorganised. The debris, dust and sand that followed show no trace of human activity. Soil samples show fine wind-blown sand, no trace of earthworm activity, reduced rainfall and indications of a drier and windier climate. Evidence shows that skeleton-thin sheep and cattle died of drought, and up to 28,000 people abandoned the site, seeking wetter areas elsewhere. Tell Brak shrank in size by 75%. Trade collapsed. Nomadic herders such as the Amorites moved herds closer to reliable water suppliers, bringing them into conflict with Akkadian populations. This climate-induced collapse seems to have affected the whole of the Middle East, and to have coincided with the collapse of the Egyptian Old Kingdom. [17]

This collapse of rain-fed agriculture in the Upper Country meant the loss to southern Mesopotamia of the agrarian subsidies which had kept the Akkadian Empire solvent. Water levels within the Tigris and Euphrates fell 1.5 metres beneath the level of 2600 BC, and although they stabilised for a time during the following Ur III period, rivalries between pastoralists and farmers increased. Attempts were undertaken to prevent the former from herding their flocks in agricultural lands, such as the building of a 180 കി.മീ (590,551 അടി) wall known as the "Repeller of the Amorites" between the Tigris and Euphrates under the Ur III ruler Shu-Sin. Such attempts led to increased political instability meanwhile, severe depression occurred to re-establish demographic equilibrium with the less favourable climatic conditions. [50] [51] [52]

Richard Zettler has critiqued the drought theory, observing that the chronology of the Akkadian empire is very uncertain and that available evidence is not sufficient to show its economic dependence on the northern areas excavated by Weiss and others. He also criticizes Weiss for taking Akkadian writings literally to describe certain catastrophic events. [53]

According to Joan Oates, at Tell Brak the soil "signal" associated with the drought lies below the level of Naram-Sin's palace. However, evidence

may suggest a tightening of Akkadian control following the Brak 'event', for example the construction of the heavily fortified 'palace' itself and the apparent introduction of greater numbers of Akkadian as opposed to local officials, perhaps a reflection of unrest in the countryside of the type that often follows some natural catastrophe.

Furthermore, Brak remained occupied and functional after the fall of the Akkadians. [54]

The Akkadian government formed a "classical standard" with which all future Mesopotamian states compared themselves. Tradične sa ensi was the highest functionary of the Sumerian city-states. In later traditions, one became an ensi by marrying the goddess Inanna, legitimising the rulership through divine consent.

Initially, the monarchical lugal (lu = man, gal =Great) was subordinate to the priestly ensi, and was appointed at times of troubles, but by later dynastic times, it was the lugal who had emerged as the preeminent role, having his own "é" (= house) or "palace", independent from the temple establishment. By the time of Mesalim, whichever dynasty controlled the city of Kish was recognised as šar kiššati (= king of Kish), and was considered preeminent in Sumer, possibly because this was where the two rivers approached, and whoever controlled Kish ultimately controlled the irrigation systems of the other cities downstream.

As Sargon extended his conquest from the "Lower Sea" (Persian Gulf), to the "Upper Sea" (Mediterranean), it was felt that he ruled "the totality of the lands under heaven", or "from sunrise to sunset", as contemporary texts put it. Under Sargon, the ensis generally retained their positions, but were seen more as provincial governors. The title šar kiššati became recognised as meaning "lord of the universe". Sargon is even recorded as having organised naval expeditions to Dilmun (Bahrain) and Magan, amongst the first organised military naval expeditions in history. Whether he also did in the case of the Mediterranean with the kingdom of Kaptara (possibly Cyprus), as claimed in later documents, is more questionable.

With Naram-Sin, Sargon's grandson, this went further than with Sargon, with the king not only being called "Lord of the Four Quarters (of the Earth)", but also elevated to the ranks of the dingir (= gods), with his own temple establishment. Previously a ruler could, like Gilgamesh, become divine after death but the Akkadian kings, from Naram-Sin onward, were considered gods on earth in their lifetimes. Their portraits showed them of larger size than mere mortals and at some distance from their retainers. [55]

One strategy adopted by both Sargon and Naram-Sin, to maintain control of the country, was to install their daughters, Enheduanna and Emmenanna respectively, as high priestess to Sin, the Akkadian version of the Sumerian moon deity, Nanna, at Ur, in the extreme south of Sumer to install sons as provincial ensi governors in strategic locations and to marry their daughters to rulers of peripheral parts of the Empire (Urkesh and Marhashe). A well documented case of the latter is that of Naram-Sin's daughter Tar'am-Agade at Urkesh. [56]

Records at the Brak administrative complex suggest that the Akkadians appointed locals as tax collectors. [57]

The population of Akkad, like nearly all pre-modern states, was entirely dependent upon the agricultural systems of the region, which seem to have had two principal centres: the irrigated farmlands of southern Iraq that traditionally had a yield of 30 grains returned for each grain sown and the rain-fed agriculture of northern Iraq, known as the "Upper Country."

Southern Iraq during Akkadian period seems to have been approaching its modern rainfall level of less than 20 മി.മീ (0.1 അടി) per year, with the result that agriculture was totally dependent upon irrigation. Before the Akkadian period the progressive salinisation of the soils, produced by poorly drained irrigation, had been reducing yields of wheat in the southern part of the country, leading to the conversion to more salt-tolerant barley growing. Urban populations there had peaked already by 2,600 BC, and demographic pressures were high, contributing to the rise of militarism apparent immediately before the Akkadian period (as seen in the Stele of the Vultures of Eannatum). Warfare between city states had led to a population decline, from which Akkad provided a temporary respite. [58] It was this high degree of agricultural productivity in the south that enabled the growth of the highest population densities in the world at this time, giving Akkad its military advantage.

The water table in this region was very high and replenished regularly—by winter storms in the headwaters of the Tigris and Euphrates from October to March and from snow-melt from March to July. Flood levels, that had been stable from about 3,000 to 2,600 BC, had started falling, and by the Akkadian period were a half-meter to a meter lower than recorded previously. Even so, the flat country and weather uncertainties made flooding much more unpredictable than in the case of the Nile serious deluges seem to have been a regular occurrence, requiring constant maintenance of irrigation ditches and drainage systems. Farmers were recruited into regiments for this work from August to October—a period of food shortage—under the control of city temple authorities, thus acting as a form of unemployment relief. Gwendolyn Leick has [59] suggested that this was Sargon's original employment for the king of Kish, giving him experience in effectively organising large groups of men a tablet reads, "Sargon, the king, to whom Enlil permitted no rival—5,400 warriors ate bread daily before him". [60]

Harvest was in the late spring and during the dry summer months. Nomadic Amorites from the northwest would pasture their flocks of sheep and goats to graze on the stubble and be watered from the river and irrigation canals. For this privilege, they would have to pay a tax in wool, meat, milk, and cheese to the temples, who would distribute these products to the bureaucracy and priesthood. In good years, all would go well, but in bad years, wild winter pastures would be in short supply, nomads would seek to pasture their flocks in the grain fields, and conflicts with farmers would result. It would appear that the subsidizing of southern populations by the import of wheat from the north of the Empire temporarily overcame this problem, [61] and it seems to have allowed economic recovery and a growing population within this region.

As a result, Sumer and Akkad had a surplus of agricultural products but was short of almost everything else, particularly metal ores, timber and building stone, all of which had to be imported. The spread of the Akkadian state as far as the "silver mountain" (possibly the Taurus Mountains), the "cedars" of Lebanon, and the copper deposits of Magan, was largely motivated by the goal of securing control over these imports. One tablet reads "Sargon, the king of Kish, triumphed in thirty-four battles (over the cities) up to the edge of the sea (and) destroyed their walls. He made the ships from Meluhha, the ships from Magan (and) the ships from Dilmun tie up alongside the quay of Agade. Sargon the king prostrated himself before (the god) Dagan (and) made supplication to him (and) he (Dagan) gave him the upper land, namely Mari, Yarmuti, (and) Ebla, up to the Cedar Forest (and) up to the Silver Mountain".

Art തിരുത്തുക

In art, there was a great emphasis on the kings of the dynasty, alongside much that continued earlier Sumerian art. Little architecture remains. In large works and small ones such as seals, the degree of realism was considerably increased, [62] but the seals show a "grim world of cruel conflict, of danger and uncertainty, a world in which man is subjected without appeal to the incomprehensible acts of distant and fearful divinities who he must serve but cannot love. This sombre mood . remained characteristic of Mesopotamian art. " [63]

Language തിരുത്തുക

During the 3rd millennium BC, there developed a very intimate cultural symbiosis between the Sumerians and the Akkadians, which included widespread bilingualism. [5] The influence of Sumerian on Akkadian (and vice versa) is evident in all areas, from lexical borrowing on a massive scale, to syntactic, morphological, and phonological convergence. [5] This has prompted scholars to refer to Sumerian and Akkadian in the third millennium as a sprachbund. [5] Akkadian gradually replaced Sumerian as a spoken language somewhere around 2000 BC (the exact dating being a matter of debate), [6] but Sumerian continued to be used as a sacred, ceremonial, literary, and scientific language in Mesopotamia until the 1st century AD. [64]

Poet–priestess Enheduanna തിരുത്തുക

Sumerian literature continued in rich development during the Akkadian period. Enheduanna, the "wife (Sumerian dam = high priestess) of Nanna [the Sumerian moon god] and daughter of Sargon" [65] of the temple of Sin at Ur, who lived c. –2250 BC, is the first poet in history whose name is known. Her known works include hymns to the goddess Inanna, the Exaltation of Inanna a In-nin sa-gur-ra. A third work, the Temple Hymns, zbierka konkrétnych hymnov, oslovuje posvätné chrámy a ich obyvateľov, božstvo, ktorému boli zasvätené. Diela tohto básnika sú významné, pretože hoci začínajú s použitím tretej osoby, prechádzajú na hlas prvej osoby samotnej básničky a znamenajú významný vývoj v používaní klinového písma. Ako básnička, princezná a kňažka bola osobou, ktorá podľa Williama W Halla „stanovovala štandardy vo všetkých troch svojich úlohách na mnoho nasledujúcich storočí“ [66]

V Oslava Inanna,

Enheduanna zobrazuje Inannu ako disciplinujúce ľudstvo ako bohyňu bitky. Tým zjednocuje vojnové vlastnosti akkadského Ištar a kvality nežnejšej sumerskej bohyne lásky a plodnosti. Pripodobňuje Inannu k veľkému búrkovému vtákovi, ktorý sa rúti dole k nižším bohom a posiela ich vlajúce ako prekvapené netopiere. Potom, v pravdepodobne najzaujímavejšej časti hymnu, samotná Enheduanna vykročí v prvej osobe, aby recitovala svoju vlastnú slávu minulosti, upevnila svoju dôveryhodnosť a vysvetlila svoju súčasnú situáciu. Bola vyhnaná ako veľkňažka z chrámu v meste Ur a z Uruku a vyhnaná do stepi. Prosí boha mesiaca Nannu, aby sa za ňu prihováral, pretože mesto Uruk pod vládcom Lugalanne sa vzbúrilo proti Sargonovi. Rebelka Lugalanne dokonca zničila chrám Eanna, jeden z najväčších chrámov v starovekom svete, a potom urobil pokroky vo svojej švagrinej. [67]

Akkadova kliatba തിരുത്തുക

Neskôr materiál popisoval, ako bol pád Akkadu spôsobený útokom Nara-Sin na mesto Nipper. Na výzvu dvojice nepriaznivých proroctiev kráľ vyhodil chrám E-kur, údajne chránený bohom Enlilom, hlavou panteónu. V dôsledku toho sa malo zísť osem hlavných božstiev panteónu Anunnaki a stiahnuť svoju podporu Akkadovi. [68]

Akkadskí králi boli medzi neskoršími mezopotámskymi civilizáciami legendárni, pričom Sargon bol chápaný ako prototyp silného a múdreho vodcu a jeho vnuk Naram-Sin ho považoval za zlého a bezbožného vodcu (Unheilsherrscher v analýze Hansa Gustava Güterbocka), ktorý jeho kráľovstvo zničil. [69] [70]

Tablety z týchto období čítajú: "(Od raných dní) nikto nevyrobil sochu z olova, (ale) Rimush, kráľ Kish, mal svoju vlastnú sochu vyrobenú z olova. Stála pred Enlilom a hovorila jeho (Rimushove) cnosti idu bohovia". Medená socha Bassetki, odliata metódou strateného vosku, svedčí o vysokej úrovni zručnosti, ktorú remeselníci dosiahli v akkadskom období. [71]

Ríšu spájali cesty, po ktorých existovala pravidelná poštová služba. Hlinené pečate, ktoré nahradili pečiatky, nesú mená Sargon a jeho syn. Zdá sa, že bol zavedený aj katastrálny prieskum a jeden z dokumentov, ktoré sa ho týkajú, uvádza, že istý Uru-Malik, ktorého meno naznačuje jeho kanaánsky pôvod, bol guvernérom zeme Amorejcov, resp. Amurru ako sa v Akkadsku nazývali polokočovní obyvatelia Sýrie a Kanaánu. Je pravdepodobné, že prvá zbierka astronomických pozorovaní a zemských znamení bola vytvorená pre knižnicu zriadenú Sargonom. Najstaršie „letné mená“, pričom každý rok vlády kráľa bol pomenovaný podľa významnej udalosti, ktorú tento kráľ vykonal, pochádzajú zo Sargonovej vlády. Zoznamy týchto „ročných mien“ sa odteraz stali kalendárnym systémom používaným vo väčšine nezávislých mezopotámskych mestských štátov. V Asýrii však boli roky pomenované podľa výročného predsedníctva limmu úradník menovaný kráľom, a nie na udalosť.


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Komentáre:

  1. Tuckere

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