Slave sa vrátil na juh - história

Slave sa vrátil na juh - história


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Kresba z doby

Zapnuté Marca 1854 utiekol virginský otrok Anthony Burns a utiekol do Bostonu. Bol zadržaný. Bostončania sa zhromaždili na jeho obranu a pokúsili sa zablokovať jeho návrat do Virginie. Prezident Pierce povolal federálne jednotky, aby zaistili Burnsov návrat do Virginie. Federálni vojaci teda odprevadili zajatého otroka ulicami, zatiaľ čo Bostončania stáli bokom a americké vlajky viedli hore nohami.


Anthony Burns utiekol z Virginie, kde bol otrokom, a v roku 1853 cestoval do Bostonu na lodi. Burns zastával prácu v Bostone. Našli ho 24. mája 1854, keď kráčal po ulici v Bostone. Burns bol uväznený, čakal na súd a jeho návrat do Virginie. Kým bol vo väzení, miestni abolicionisti obliehali väzenie v snahe o jeho slobodu. Zástupca federálneho Marshalla bol v nasledujúcom boji nabodaný. Burns však zostal vo väzbe.

Proces proti Burnsovi bol len formalitou. Keď vláda zvíťazila, prezident Pierce zaistil, aby boli ulice Bostonu lemované federálnymi jednotkami, aby zabezpečil, že Burnsa vezmú na palubu lode, aby sa vrátil do Virginie. Násilné odstránenie Burnsa do Virginie rozohnilo verejnú mienku v Bostone. Mnoho ľudí, ktorí boli voči otroctvu ambivalentní, sa v dôsledku toho stali kritikmi.

Po návrate do Virginie bol Burns predaný inému majiteľovi otrokov. Po prijatí 1 300 dolárov od abolicionistov súhlasil Burnsov nový majiteľ s jeho emancipáciou. Burns sa vrátil do Bostonu. Získal titul z Oberlin College. Burnsová zomrela na tuberkulózu vo veku 28 rokov.


Zdieľanie orezania

Sharecropping je typ poľnohospodárstva, v ktorom si rodiny prenajímajú malé pozemky od majiteľa pôdy výmenou za časť svojej úrody, ktoré dostanú vlastníci pôdy na konci každého roka. Na celom svete sa po stáročia praktizovali rôzne druhy zdieľania plodín, ale na vidieku na juhu to bežne robili bývalí otroci. Keď bola južná ekonomika v rozklade po zrušení otroctva a zničení občianskej vojny, počas éry obnovy nastal konflikt medzi mnohými vlastníkmi bielych pozemkov, ktorí sa pokúšali obnoviť pracovnú silu, a oslobodili černochov, ktorí hľadali ekonomickú nezávislosť a autonómiu.


Slave sa vrátil na juh - história

A nthony Burns bol asi dvadsaťročný otrok, ktorého jeho pán najal mužovi v Richmonde. Jeho povinnosti ho často zaviedli do mestských dokov, kde nákladné lode zaneprázdnené nákladným priestorom nákladom na doručenie do vzdialených prístavov poskytovali šancu na útek. Začiatkom februára 1854 sa Anthony, ktorému pomáha priateľský námorník, uložil na jednu z týchto lodí. Nasledujúci deň sa otrok ukrytý v malom priestore v útrobách plavidla plavil po rieke na ceste do nového života. O štyri týždne neskôr loď zakotvila v Bostone a Anthony vystúpil na breh slobodného muža. Alebo si to aspoň myslel.

Bostonský plagát varuje
lapačov otrokov,
Apríla 1851
Nanešťastie pre Anthonyho, o štyri roky skôr schválil Kongres zákon o utečených otrokoch ako súčasť kompromisu z roku 1850, ktorý vyvážil prijatie nových otrokárskych a slobodných štátov do Únie. Zákon vyžadoval, aby všetci občania USA pomáhali pri návrate k svojim uniknutým otrokom, ktorí hľadali slobodu v slobodnom štáte. Krátko po jeho príchode ho Anthonyho majiteľ hľadal v Bostone, rovnako ako niekoľko lovcov otrokov motivovaných prísľubom odmeny za zajatie otroka.

24. mája 1854, už po troch mesiacoch slobody, Anthonyho spozoroval lovec otrokov, okamžite ho uväznili a postavili pred súd, kde sa rozhodne o jeho osude. Jeho uväznenie vyvolalo pobúrenie občanov Bostonu. Tento prudký hnev sa vyhrotil o tri noci neskôr, keď nahnevaný dav vtrhol do Súdneho domu, v ktorom ho zadržiavali a pokúšali sa oslobodiť nešťastného väzňa. Boli neúspešní. Potom sa vynaložilo úsilie na zabezpečenie slobody otroka kúpou od jeho pána. Ale aj toto bolo neúspešné.

Deväť dní po Anthonyho zajatí súd vyniesol verdikt. Nasledujúci deň ho prevezú späť do Virgínie a k životu v otroctve. Úrady mali teraz problém. Väzeň by musel byť transportovaný na svoju loď ulicami Bostonu, kde by sa nahnevaný dav mohol pokúsiť o jeho prepustenie. Ťažká stráž, ktorá bránila Súdny dom od chvíle, keď sa dav pokúsil o útok na budovu, bol posilnený. Ráno pri jeho prestupe sa ulice okolo Súdneho domu zaplnili takmer bujarým davom, odhadovaným na 50 000 a kričalo „Hanba!“ Atmosféra bola napätá, keď sa sprievod vinul do prístavu a väzeň sa konečne zaistil na lodi, na ktorej sa bude plaviť späť do otroctva.

„. oddiel pechoty nabitý hustou masou pri behu s pevnými bajonetmi.“

Charles Steven bol svedkom návratu utečeného otroka do otroctva a krátko po tom, ako k incidentu došlo, napísal knihu. Pripájame sa k jeho príbehu, keď sa sprievod do prístavu zhromažďuje pred Súdnym domom:

Maršál sa medzitým pripravoval sám. Stodvadsaťpäť mužov zložili prísahu ako špeciáli. Niektorí z nich boli čašníci na príliv, kamionisti a ďalší závislí na colnici, všetci boli odobratí z najmenej váženej časti obyvateľov Bostonu. Nič lepšie sa získať nedalo.

Tieto špeciály boli zhromaždené v Súdnom dome a vyzbrojené šavlami, pištoľami a billies. Potom boli pod velením jedného Petera T. Dunbara, kamionistu z colnice, ktorý ich viedol do hornej siene budovy, a tam ich viedli pochodové a iné cvičenia pred dverami Burnsovej cely. Okrem toho maršál zhromaždil päť rôt amerických vojakov v počte sto štyridsať mužov a aby doplnil svoju zostavu, z ranného svitania bolo z námorného dvora v Charlestowne prepravené mosadzné delo, ktoré bolo zasadené na námestí.

O jedenástej hodine predstavilo Court Square predstavenie, ktoré sa nezmazateľne vrylo do spomienok mužov. Ľudia boli zmietnutí z námestia a stáli tlačení spolu na Súdnej ulici a predstavovali očiam pevný val živých bytostí. Pri východných dverách Súdneho domu stálo delo, nabité a s plnými ústami namierenými na kompaktnú hmotu. Po jeho boku stál dôstojník veliaci oddeleniu amerických vojakov a ustarane hľadel rovnakým smerom. Bolo to vôbec prvýkrát, čo bola ozbrojená moc USA postavená proti ľuďom z Massachusetts. Muži, ktorí boli svedkami toho pohľadu a premýšľali o jeho príčine, boli prinútení bolestne rozpoznať skutočnosť, skôr ako sa odhalilo, že sú subjektmi dvoch vlád.

. Burns zostal v súdnej sieni a čakal na hodinu svojho odchodu. Držitelia maršala sa okolo neho tlačili s pokusmi o útechu. Jeho strážcovia sa obzvlášť snažili rozveseliť jeho ducha. Dali mu štyri doláre a ubezpečili ho, že majú v úmysle kúpiť si jeho slobodu, dohodli sa s jeho majiteľom a povedali, že už k objektu získali štyristo dolárov. Na všetky tieto profesie a sľuby, ktoré Burns len málo dával pozor, prišli od tých istých mužov, ktorí ho zajali.

Zástupca maršala Riley nakoniec vošiel do miestnosti a nariadil mu spútať putá. Burns vážne protestoval proti nedôstojnosti, ktorou dával záruky, že prejde ulicami potichu, ak ho nechajú bez okovov, inak sa vyhrážal, že urobí každú demonštráciu násilia vo svojej moci. Butman (lovec otrokov, ktorý chytil Burnsa), potom odišiel z miestnosti a požiadal maršala o povolenie upustiť od nástrojov hanby a napriek rade opačného od nejakého zbabelého poradcu, ktorý stál bokom, bolo žiadosti vyhovené. Otroctvo, do ktorého sa Burns vracal, bolo zlom, ktoré znášal z kolísky, ale železné putá boli symbolmi hanby, ktoré jeho neporušený duch nebol pripravený vydržať.

Asi na dve hodiny sa stĺp tvoril na Námestí. Najprv nastúpilo oddelenie amerického delostrelectva a za ním čata amerických námorných síl. Potom nasledovali ozbrojené civilné čaty maršala, na ktoré nadviazali dve čaty námornej pechoty. Delo, strážené ďalšou čatou námornej pechoty, vytiahlo zozadu. Keď bolo toto usporiadanie dokončené, Burnsa, sprevádzaného dôstojníkom na každej strane so vzájomne prepojenými rukami, viedli z väzenia priechodom lemovaným vojakmi a umiestnili ho do stredu ozbrojenej budovy.

Cesta od Súdneho domu k prístavisku sa v tom čase začala hemžiť nespočetným množstvom ľudí. Vyzeralo to, ako keby sa celá populácia mesta sústredila na tento úzky priestor. Márne sa armáda a polícia pokúšali vyčistiť ulice, pričom iba samotná vozová cesta zostala prázdna. Na chodníkoch v súdnych a štátnych uliciach boli všetky dostupné miesta obsadené všetkými priechodmi, oknami a balkónmi, od suterénu po povalu, preplnené pohľadmi, zatiaľ čo strechy budov boli čierne od ľudí. Počítalo sa, že sa stalo svedkom tejto podívanej, nie menej ako päťdesiat tisíc ľudí.

Sprievod opúšťa Súdny dvor
zo súčasnej ilustrácie
Na rôznych miestach trasy boli zobrazené symboly významné z prevládajúceho sentimentu. Významný člen baru Suffolk, ktorého kancelária bola priamo oproti súdnej sieni a ktorý bol v tom čase veliteľom starovekého a čestného delostrelectva, zahalil svoje okná smútkom. Príklad rýchlo nasledovali ostatní. Z okna oproti Starému štátnemu domu bola zavesená čierna rakva, na ktorej bola legenda, Pohreb slobody. V jednom bode ďalej k mólu spôsobil ctihodný obchodník natiahnutie lana z jeho vlastného skladu cez Štátnu ulicu do opačného bodu a americká vlajka zavesená v smútku z neho zavesila so spustenou úniou. Keď sa nejaký čas pozrel z okna, uvidel muža, ktorý má v úmysle hodiť cez lano šnúru, aby strhol vlajku.

„Rascal!“ zakričal starý muž, keď vyšiel hore s dlhými bielymi vlasmi prúdiacimi za ním, „zastavte sa, inak vás budem stíhať“.

„Som Američan,“ odpovedal druhý, „a neuvidím vlajku štátu. moja krajina zneuctená. '

„Aj ja som Američan a rodák z tohto mesta,“ odpovedal štátny pouličný obchodník, „a vyhlasujem, že moja krajina je dnešným konaním večne zneuctená. Tá vlajka tam visí podľa mojich príkazov: dotkni sa jej na vlastné nebezpečenstvo. “ Vlajka zostala, až kým sa transakcia, v ktorej dehonestácii išlo o vhodný znak, úplne neukončila.

Pozdĺž tejto ulice Via Dolorosa s oblakom svedkov sa kolóna začala pohybovať. Žiadna hudba neoživila jeho pochod, tupý tulák vojakov po skalnatých chodníkoch a stony a syčanie okoloidúcich boli jediné zvuky.

Oproti colnici sa stĺp stáčal v pravom uhle do ďalšej ulice. Tento krížový pohyb zrazu preveril dlhý rad divákov, ktorí sa tlačili nadol, Štátna ulica, rovnobežná s druhým telom, ale zadná časť, nechápajúca povahu prekážky, pokračovala v tlačení dopredu a vytlačila prednú časť z chodníka do uprostred ulice. Pre odretú a ostražitú armádu malo toto hnutie aspekt útoku na kortege, v ktorom niektorí Lanceri, umiestnení blízko, zúrivo jazdili na koňoch na narastajúcom dave a šabľami sa nabúrili na bezbranné hlavy, ktoré mali na dosah. Hneď potom sa oddiel pechoty dobil k hustej hmote, behom, s pevnými bajonetmi. Niektorí boli bezhlavo postavení po chodbách pivnice, niektorí boli nútení vstúpiť do chodieb a po schodoch a iných zhodili na dlažbu, narazili a zranili ich.

Kým to prešlo, sprievod sa pobral ďalej a dorazil k mólu.

Na konci prístaviska ležal malý parník, ktorý si objednala vláda USA. Burns na palube tohto plavidla viedol maršal a okamžite sa stiahol z dohľadu hľadiacich tisícov ľudí do nižšie položenej kabíny. Nasledovali americké jednotky a po hodinovom zdržaní bolo odoslané aj delo. Dvadsať minút po tretej hodine parník opustil prístavisko a zišiel do prístavu. & Quot

Referencie:
Účet Charlesa Stevensa sa objavuje v: Stevens, Charles Emery, Anthony Burns, a history (1856, publikované 1969) Curti, Merle, The Growth of American Thought (1964) McPherson, James, M., Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Éra (1988).


Popis záznamov

Akt z 2. marca 1807 (2 Stat. 426), ktorý zakázal obchod s otrokmi, stanovil predpisy aj o pobrežnej preprave otrokov. S účinnosťou od 1. januára 1808 mali plavidlá do 40 ton v pobrežnom obchode zakázanú prepravu otrokov. Kapitán alebo kapitán plavidiel nad 40 ton v pobrežnom obchode bol povinný poskytnúť manifest o náklade otroka zberateľovi colných úradov v prístave odoslania a v prístave príchodu alebo inšpektorovi, ak na mieste nebol žiadny colný zberateľ. prístav. Konkrétne ide o tento akt:

Sek. 9.. . . Že kapitán, kapitán alebo veliteľ akejkoľvek lode alebo plavidla s hmotnosťou štyridsať ton alebo viac. . . plavba po pobreží z akéhokoľvek prístavu v USA do akéhokoľvek prístavu alebo miesta v rámci jurisdikcie tej istej jurisdikcie, ktorá má na palube všetkých černochov, mulatov alebo farebných osôb, na účely ich prepravy na predaj alebo likvidáciu ako otrokov alebo budú zaradení do služby alebo do práce, pred odchodom takejto lode alebo plavidla vyhotovia a prihlásia sa na odber duplikátov všetkých takýchto černochov, mulatov alebo farebných osôb na palube takejto lode alebo plavidla, v ktorých sa uvedie meno a pohlavie každej osoby, jej vek a postavu,. . . černoch, mulat alebo farebná osoba, s menom a bydliskom každého jeho majiteľa alebo odosielateľa, a doručí tieto manifesty zberateľovi prístavu, ak existuje, v opačnom prípade geodetovi, pred ktorým kapitán, kapitán alebo veliteľ spolu s majiteľom alebo odosielateľom čestne prisahajú alebo podľa svojho najlepšieho vedomia a presvedčenia potvrdia, že osoby v nich uvedené neboli dovezené ani dovezené do USA [po 1. januári 1808], a že podľa zákonov štátu sú zadržiavaní v službe alebo v práci, načo to uvedený zberateľ alebo inšpektor potvrdí na uvedených manifestoch, z ktorých jeden vráti uvedenému kapitánovi, kapitánovi alebo veliteľovi. . . a splnomocniť ho na plavbu do prístavu svojho cieľa.

Sek. 10. ... . . Že kapitán, majster alebo veliteľ. . . musí pred vyložením alebo vyložením na breh vykonať ktorúkoľvek z vyššie uvedených osôb. . . doručiť zberateľovi, ak taký existuje, alebo ak nie, geodetovi s bydliskom v prístave jej príchodu, manifest potvrdený zberateľom alebo geodetom prístavu, odkiaľ vyplávala, ako je tu uvedené predtým, pravde, o ktorých pred takýmto dôstojníkom prisahá alebo potvrdí a. zberateľ alebo geodet. . . potom udelí povolenie na vylodenie alebo utrpenie takého černocha, mulata alebo farebnej osoby, ktoré majú byť umiestnené na breh. . . .

Záznamy zahrnuté v tejto publikácii o mikrofilmoch sú "vnútorné manifesty", ktoré vyžaduje § 10 tohto aktu, a ktoré sa majú podať po príchode do New Orleans, a tiež "vonkajšie manifesty" požadované podľa oddielu 9 aktu, ktoré sa majú podať pred odchodom z New Orleans. Nie všetky manifesty sú existujúce. Z rokov 1808-1818 a 1858 neprežili žiadne vnútorné manifesty a z rokov 1813-1817, 1837 a 1859 sa žiadne vonkajšie manifesty nezachovali.

Manifesty sú predtlačené prázdne formuláre rôznych veľkostí. Zahŕňa názov plavidla, jeho prístavy odoslania a príchodu, dátumy certifikácie zberateľom colných úradov (alebo inšpektorom), meno kapitána alebo kapitána a popis každého otroka na plavidle vrátane názvu, veku, pohlavia , výška, meno vlastníka alebo odosielateľa a farba. Okrem oficiálnych farebných označení „černoch, mulat alebo farebná osoba“ mnohé manifesty naznačujú, že farba pokožky otrokov je čierna, hnedá, žltá, tawney [sic], tmavé alebo medené.

Predpokladá sa, že dátum certifikácie zberateľom (alebo inšpektorom) ohľadne správnosti manifestu bol rovnaký ako dátum príchodu alebo odchodu. Manifesty sú usporiadané chronologicky, ale môže dôjsť k určitému nesúladu a výskumníkom sa odporúča, aby prehľadali celý rok, ak sa v chronologickom poradí nenachádza známy príchod alebo odchod plavidla v konkrétny dátum. V prípade manifestov dovnútra 1821-1827 existuje segment „rôznych“ manifestov, ktorý nasleduje po každoročnej hlavnej sekvencii manifestov dovnútra.

Prístavy odletu a zamýšľané prílety sa nachádzajú na severnom pobreží Baltimoru, Marylandu, na pobreží Atlantiku a na západe až po prístavy Texasu v Mexickom zálive.


Harriet Tubman: podzemná dráha

17. septembra 1849 Harriet, Ben a Henry unikli z Marylandskej plantáže. Bratia však zmenili názor a vrátili sa. S pomocou podzemnej železnice Harriet vytrvala a cestovala 90 míľ na sever do Pensylvánie a na slobodu.

Tubman si našla prácu ako gazdiná vo Philadelphii, ale nebola spokojná s tým, že by mohla sama žiť slobodne, a tiež chcela slobodu pre svojich blízkych a priateľov.

Čoskoro sa vrátila na juh, aby viedla svoju neter a deti z netere do podzemnej železnice do Philadelphie. V jednom momente sa pokúsila priviesť svojho manžela Johna na sever, ale on sa znova oženil a rozhodol sa zostať v Marylande so svojou novou manželkou.


Podľa histórie USA je väčšine z nás známa, Kalifornia vstúpila do Únie v roku 1850 ako „slobodný štát“. Otroctvo bolo zlo, ku ktorému došlo na juhu, ďaleko odtiaľto, alebo nás to aspoň učili. Napriek tomu, že je Kalifornia známa svojou liberálnou povesťou, má oveľa komplikovanejšiu históriu.

Pri neskorom nočnom nálete v apríli 1852 troch ozbrojených bielych mužov zo svojej kajuty vyhodili traja predtým zotročení černosi, ktorí si počas kalifornskej zlatej horúčky vybudovali lukratívny podnik ťažiaci zásoby baníctva. Boli násilne predvedení pred mierový sudca v okrese Sacramento, ktorý im prikázal deportovať ich bývalého „majiteľa“, bieleho muža v Mississippi.

Súvisiace príspevky

Robert Perkins, jeho brat Carter a ich obchodná partnerka Sandy Jonesová podali prvú žalobu proti novému zákonu o utečeneckých otrokoch štátu. Prešlo len 6 týždňov predtým, určilo, že každý zotročený černoch, ktorý vstúpil do Kalifornie, keď to bolo ešte územie, nemal žiadne zákonné právo na slobodu, aj keď ústava štátu zakazovala otroctvo.

Podľa histórie USA je väčšine z nás známa, Kalifornia vstúpila do Únie v roku 1850 ako „slobodný štát“. Otroctvo bolo zlo, ku ktorému došlo na juhu, ďaleko odtiaľto, alebo nás to aspoň učili. Napriek tomu, že je Kalifornia známa svojou liberálnou povesťou, má oveľa komplikovanejšiu históriu.

V roku 1848, keď prišla zlatá horúčka, sa bieli južania hrnuli do štátu so stovkami zotročených černochov, nútili ich drieť sa v zlatých baniach a často ich najímali na varenie, obsluhu alebo rôzne práce. Niekedy sa na chrbte tejto bezplatnej práce hromadilo bohatstvo. Miesto Kalifornie v histórii otroctva v krajine však vo väčšine historických správ chýba a mnohí sú prekvapení, keď sa dozvedeli o jej praxi v zlatom stave.

Čierny baník v ére zlatej horúčky. Kredit: so súhlasom Kalifornskej historickej miestnosti, Štátna knižnica v Kalifornii, Sacramento, Kalifornia

Rovnako ako národ, ktorého sa stal súčasťou, aj Kalifornia bola od začiatku zapletená do protikladov. Bol to slobodný štát, ktorý vznikol z otrockej politiky. V prekérnom úsilí vyvážiť obavy z južných záujmov držby otrokov a záujmov proti expanzii otroctva Kongres spojil kompromis z roku 1850. Séria návrhov zákonov pripúšťala Kaliforniu ako slobodný štát a súčasne udeľovala Juhu dôležité ústupky. To zahŕňalo drakonický federálny zákon o utečeneckých otrokoch, ktorý vyžadoval, aby vládni predstavitelia a obyčajní bieli občania vo všetkých štátoch a územiach aktívne pomáhali otrokárom pri získavaní zotročených ľudí, ktorí unikli z jurisdikcií držiacich otrokov.

Kalifornská ústava hlásala, že „nikdy nebude tolerované otroctvo ani nedobrovoľné nevoľníctvo, pokiaľ nie je potrestané zločinom“. Celoštátne archívy však obsahujú dôkaz, že otroctvo sa praktizovalo pod holým nebom. Jedna novinová reklama v prepisu Sacramenta ponúkla na predaj „hodnotné černošské dievča vo veku osemnásť rokov ... priateľskej povahy, dobrej práčky, žehličky a kuchárky“.

Napriek tomu, ako ukazuje prípad Perkins, mnoho černochov zasiahlo po slobode. Zákonodarca podporujúci otroctvo v reakcii na to prijal zákon o útekových otrokoch, ktorý sa konkrétne zameral na černochov, ktorí utiekli v Kalifornii a neutiekli z otrokárskych štátov.

Prvým testovacím prípadom boli bratia Perkinsovci a Sandy Jonesová.

V roku 1849 sa Charles Perkins, biely muž z Mississippi, vydal ťažiť zlato v Placerville County a vzal so sebou Cartera Perkinsa, zotročeného muža na plantáži svojho otca. Robert Perkins a Sandy Jones ich čoskoro nasledovali, nútení migrovať na západ a nechať svoje manželky a deti za sebou. Všetci traja začali pracovať pre Charlesa Perkinsa, ktorý ťažil zlato.

Inzerát na čierneho otroka, pôvodne publikovaný v San Francisco Herald

Keď Charles Perkins prežíval ťažké časy a rozhodol sa vrátiť na juh, spiatočný prechod si mohol dovoliť iba pre seba. Troch černochov nechal s priateľom. Na oplátku súhlasil, že im poskytne slobodu, ak pre neho budú pracovať šesť mesiacov. Pracovné trio, ktoré bolo v novembri 1851 oslobodené, zahájilo ťažbu dodávok v Ophire a zarobilo 3 000 dolárov (v dnešných dolároch takmer 100 000 dolárov)

Ich kalifornský sen sa skončil, keď Charles Perkins nahlásil mužov ako utečených otrokov a požadoval ich návrat.

Čierna komunita aktivistov zo Sacramenta získala finančné prostriedky na najatie Corneliusa Coleho, prominentného právnika a zakladateľa kalifornskej republikánskej strany, ktorá bola proti rozšíreniu otroctva, a budúceho senátora USA, na obranu bývalých baníkov. Cole tvrdil, že štátny zákon o útekoch na úteku porušuje zákaz otroctva kalifornskej ústavy.

V roku 1852 však Najvyšší súd pre otroctvo nariadil obžalovaným väzbu Charlesovi Perkinsovi v Mississippi. Legenda hovorí, že utiekli počas prechodu svojej lode Panamskou šítou, ale ich osud nie je známy.

Ako je zrejmé z prípadu Perkins, pretrvávanie otroctva sa stretlo s afroamerickým odporom. Noviny priniesli pouličné bitky medzi zotročenými ľuďmi a tými, ktorí tvrdili, že ich vlastnia. V zlatých baniach pohoria Sierra Nevada, na nábrežích San Francisca, v uliciach centra mesta Los Angeles, na farmách a rančoch vo vidieckych okresoch a v súdnych sieňach sa v Kalifornii počas štátu odohrala dráma otroctva a odporu voči otroctvu. formatívne prvé desaťročie. Niektorí prominentní afroamerickí vodcovia dokonca išli ozbrojení do izolovaných oblastí a oslobodili otrokov.

V snahe poukázať na toto vynechanie z historických záznamov spolupracovali ACLU v severnej Kalifornii, KQED, Kalifornská historická spoločnosť a Spoločnosť pre rovnú spravodlivosť na unikátnom verejnom vzdelávacom projekte Gold Chains: The Hidden History of Slavery in California. Obsahuje multimediálne príbehy a archívne výskumy, ktoré skúmajú túto málo známu históriu, ktorá v súčasnosti pomohla formovať komplexnú rasovú krajinu Kalifornie. História objavená projektom Gold Chains dodáva nášmu chápaniu, že žiadna časť USA - vrátane Kalifornie - nebola nedotknutá zhubným systémom, ktorého dedičstvo sa dnes prejavuje v našich zákonoch, súdoch a kultúre.

Susan D. Anderson je riaditeľkou verejných programov Kalifornskej historickej spoločnosti.


Stiahnuť ▼

V tento deň roku 1854 bol v Bostone zatknutý utečenec z Virginie Anthony Burns. Jeho zajatie rozzúrilo čiernobielych abolicionistov. Dva dni po zatknutí zaútočilo niekoľko z nich na federálny súd s baranom v nádeji, že Burnsa vyslobodí. Ich pokus zlyhal. Burnsovi obhajcovia už neboli úspešní. Po krátkom procese bol nariadený návrat do otroctva. 2. júna tisíce ľudí lemovali ulice Bostonu. Syčali a kričali: „Hanba! Hanba!“ keď federálne orgány odprevadili Anthonyho Burnsa na loď čakajúcu v prístave. Na udržanie poriadku a vrátenie černocha do otroctva bolo potrebných približne 2 000 vojakov a náklady na 40 000 dolárov. V Massachusetts už nikdy nebol zajatý žiadny utečený otrok.

Prezident Franklin Pierce nariadil jednotkám udržiavať poriadok a trval na tom, aby loď USA Navy transportovala Burnsa späť do Virginie.

Anthony Burns nebol prvým utečencom otrokom zatknutým v Bostone a vrátil sa k svojmu zotročovateľovi. Ale bol posledný. Viac ako akékoľvek iné mesto na severe bol Boston považovaný za útočisko pre utečencov, jeho čierna komunita bola obzvlášť silná a dobre organizovaná a bolo to mesto, kde čiernobieli abolicionisti boli ochotní konať podľa svojho presvedčenia. To všetko vstúpilo do hry v máji 1854.

V snahe nájsť kompromis, ktorý by Úniu zachránil, schválil Kongres zákon o utečeneckých otrokoch v septembri 1850. Nový zákon dával majiteľom otrokov alebo ich agentom právo zmocniť sa utečených otrokov iba predložením čestného svedectva preukazujúceho vlastníctvo. Strážcovia zákona na celom severe museli zatknúť podozrivých utečencov a pomôcť ich vrátiť ich pánom. Každý, kto pomáhal uniknutému otrokovi alebo zasahoval do jeho zatknutia, bol pokutovaný a uväznený. Zákon výrazne zvýšil nálady proti otroctvu medzi severanmi. Boli zriadené výbory pre bdelosť na pomoc utečeneckým otrokom a niektorí z militantnejších abolicionistov sa obrátili na občiansku neposlušnosť.

Začiatkom jari 1854 utiekol Anthony Burns z Alexandrie vo Virgínii tým, že sa skrýval na lodi smerujúcej na sever. Prišiel do Bostonu na konci marca, onedlho sa jeho majiteľ dozvedel, kde sa nachádza, a prišiel ho reklamovať. Marshalls zatkol Burnsa a uväznil ho v budove federálneho súdu.

Letáky oznamujúce „Únoscovia sú tu!“ objavil sa po celom meste.

Správa o zatknutí sa rýchlo rozšírila. Letáky oznamujúce „Únoscovia sú tu!“ objavil sa po celom meste. Odporcovia otroctva rýchlo poslali listy so žiadosťou o podporu od abolicionistov v iných mestách. Priekopnícky černošský právnik Robert Morris a biely právnik Richard Henry Dana, obaja aktívni členovia bostonského výboru pre ostrahu, sa dobrovoľne prihlásili na obranu Burnsa.

Dva dni po zatknutí sa v hale Fanueil zišlo takmer 5 000 abolicionistov, väčšina z nich bielych. Menšia skupina, väčšinou čiernych mužov a žien, sa stretla v chráme Tremont. Kým skupina Fanueil Hall diskutovala o stratégii, tí, ktorí sa stretli v kostole, sa rozhodli konať: pochodovali do budovy súdu a oslobodili Burnsa.

Malá skupina Afroameričanov a biely minister Thomas Wentworth Higginson použili obrovský lúč na vytvorenie otvoru vo dverách budovy súdu. Ozval sa výstrel. Poltucet zástupcov šerifa porazil dvoch mužov, ktorí sa pokúsili vojsť do budovy. Medzitým sa tí, ktorí sa stretli v hale Fanueil, dozvedeli o prebiehajúcich záchranách a niekoľko stoviek ľudí zamierilo do budovy súdu. Polícia neskôr informovala, že demonštranti hádzali tehly, strieľali z pištolí a sekerou napadli ďalšie dvere

Veriac, že ​​odpor „nie je k ničomu“ a že „Budem na tom horšie, ak sa tomu budem brániť“, Burns spečatil svoj vlastný osud tým, že za svojho majiteľa označil Charlesa Stuttla.

Všetko to bolo márne. Po úspešnej záchrane Shadracha Minkinsa v roku 1851, federálne orgány boli lepšie pripravené. Poriadok bol obnovený, ale až potom, čo bol jeden zástupca zastrelený, niekoľko mužov zranených a trinásť zatknutých. Burns zostal vo väzbe.

Nasledoval týždeň súdnych pojednávaní. Veriac, že ​​odpor „nie je k ničomu“ a že „Budem na tom horšie, ak sa tomu budem brániť“, Burns spečatil svoj vlastný osud tým, že ako majiteľa označil Charlesa Stuttla. Jednoduché konštatovanie stačilo na to, aby Stuttle splnil kritériá zákona o utečených otrokoch. Obhajcovia tlačili na predsedu senátu, aby vyhlásil zákon za protiústavný, ale on odmietol. Jeho rozhodnutie vrátilo Anthonyho Burnsa do otroctva.

Týždňové udalosti boli široko pokryté severnou a južnou tlačou. Niektorí na juhu uznali, že „víťazstvá“, ako bolo toto, budú krátkodobé. Odhodlanie severanov sa zvýšilo, keď videli, že ak sa sila otrokárov môže dostať do Bostonu, môže dosiahnuť kdekoľvek. Prezident Franklin Pierce, ktorý rozhodol, že federálne zákony budú dodržané, nariadil jednotkám udržiavať poriadok a trval na tom, aby loď USA Navy transportovala Burns späť do Virginie.

Demonštranti zavesili rakvu cez Štátnu ulicu a na boku bolo vyobrazené slovo „Liberty“.

V deň Burnsovho odchodu zaplnilo ulice medzi federálnym súdom a Long Wharf odhadom 50 000 ľudí. Aby nezasahovali do „odporného sprievodu“, ako ho nazval Richard Henry Dana, vzalo 1 500 milicionárov z Massachusetts, celé bostonské policajné sily, 145 federálnych vojakov s delom a 100 špeciálnych zástupcov. Okná obchodov a kancelárií pokryté čiernym krepom a americké vlajky zavesené naopak. Demonštranti zavesili rakvu cez Štátnu ulicu a na boku bolo vyobrazené slovo „Sloboda“.

Do deviatich mesiacov cestoval reverend Leonard Grimes, minister jednej z bostonských čiernych baptistických cirkví, na juh a kúpil Burnsovu slobodu za 1 300 dolárov, ktoré vyzbierala cirkev. Burnsovi priaznivci o tomto vydali knihu a získané prostriedky použili na zaplatenie svojich výdavkov za dvojročné štúdium na Oberlin College. Slúžil najskôr ako pastor čiernej baptistickej cirkvi v Indianapolise a potom sa presťahoval za hranice do malej osady v Kanade, kde bol pastorom inej baptistickej cirkvi. V zlom zdravotnom stave od čias zotročovania tam Anthony Burns zomrel 17. júla 1862 vo veku 28 rokov.

Ak pôjdeš ty

Afroamerické národné historické miesto v Bostone ponúka návštevníkom pešie výlety po ceste Black Heritage Trail a špeciálne tematické výlety súvisiace s afroamerickou históriou mesta.

Odkazy

Poloha

Tento omšový okamih sa odohral v oblasti Massachusetts vo Veľkom Bostone.

Zdroje

Skúška s Anthonym Burnsom, Albert J. von Frank (Harvard University Press, 1998).

Bostonské nepokoje: tri storočia sociálneho násilia, od Jacka Tagera (Northeastern University Press, 2000).

Čierni Bostončania: Rodinný život a boj komunity o amp na severe Antebellum, od Jamesa Olivera Hortona a Lois Hortonovej (Holmes & amp Meier Publishers, 1979).


Kompromis z roku 1850

Potreba silnejšieho zákona o hľadačoch slobody sa stala stabilnou požiadavkou politikov na juhu, najmä v štyridsiatych rokoch 19. storočia, keď severoamerické aktivistické hnutie 19. storočia na severe naberalo na obrátkach. Keď boli po mexickej vojne USA potrebné na získanie nového územia, keď bola potrebná nová legislatíva týkajúca sa zotročenia, prišla na rad otázka hľadačov slobody.

The combination of bills which became known as the Compromise of 1850 was intended to calm tensions over enslavement, and it did essentially delay the Civil War by a decade. But one of its provisions was the new Fugitive Slave Law, which created a whole new set of problems.

The new law was fairly complex, consisting of ten sections that laid out the terms by which freedom seekers could be pursued in the free states. The law essentially established that freedom seekers were still subject to the laws of the state from which they had fled.

The law also created a legal structure to oversee the capture and return of freedom seekers. Prior to the 1850 law, a freedom seeker could be sent back to enslavement hard to enforce.

The new law created commissioners who would get to decide whether a freedom seeker captured on free soil would be returned to enslavement. The commissioners were seen as essentially corrupt, as they would be paid a fee of $5.00 if they declared a fugitive free or $10.00 if they decided the person had to be returned to the states that allowed enslavement.


Obsah

Growth of slavery in the South Edit

After the invention of the cotton gin in the 1790s, the growth and export of cotton became a highly profitable business. Central to the business was the setting up of plantations, staffed by enslaved laborers. Due to the increased demand, imports of African slaves grew until legal importation was barred in 1808, after which time Maryland and Virginia openly bred slaves, "producing" children for sale "South", through brokers such as Franklin and Armfield, to plantation owners. This resulted in the forcible relocation of about one million enslaved people to the Deep South, The Africans and African Americans became well established and had children, and the total number of the enslaved reached four million by the mid-19th century. [6]

Growth in the number of free blacks Edit

Due in part to manumission efforts sparked by revolutionary ideals, Protestant preachers, and the abolitionist movement, there was an expansion in the number of free blacks, many of them born free. Even in the North, where slavery was being abolished, discrimination against free blacks was rampant and often legal. Few states extended citizenship rights to free blacks prior to the 1860s and the Federal government, largely controlled by Slave Power, never showed any inclination to challenge the racial status quo. Even in the North, free blacks were often seen as unwelcome immigrants, taking jobs away because they would work for cheap. [7]

Some slave owners decided to support emigration following an aborted slave rebellion headed by Gabriel Prosser in 1800, and a rapid increase in the number of free African Americans in the United States in the first two decades after the Revolutionary War, which they perceived as threatening. Although the ratio of whites to blacks overall was 4:1 between 1790 and 1800, in some Southern counties blacks were the majority. Slaveholders feared that free blacks destabilized their slave society and created a political threat. From 1790 to 1800, the number of free blacks increased from 59,467 to 108,398, and by 1810 there were 186,446 free blacks. [8]

Early colonization in Africa Edit

In 1786, a British organization, the Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor, launched its efforts to establish the Sierra Leone Province of Freedom, a colony in West Africa for London's "black poor." This enterprise gained the support of the British government, [9] which also offered relocation to Black Loyalists who had been resettled in Nova Scotia, where they were subject to harsh weather and discrimination from some white Nova Scotians. [10] [11] Jamaica maroons were also deported to the colony, [12] alongside former slaves freed by the Royal Navy after the Atlantic slave trade was abolished by Britain in 1807. [13] [14]

Paul Cuffe Edit

Paul Cuffe or Cuffee (1759–1817) was a successful Quaker ship owner and activist in Boston. His parents were of Ashanti (African) and Wampanoag (Native American) heritage. He advocated settling freed American slaves in Africa and gained support from the British government, free Black leaders in the United States, and members of Congress to take emigrants to the British colony of Sierra Leone. [15] In 1815, he financed a trip himself. The following year, Cuffe took 38 American blacks to Freetown, Sierra Leone. [16] He died in 1817 before undertaking other voyages. Cuffe laid the groundwork for the American Colonization Society. [17]

Although little remembered as ultimately nothing came of them, there were a number of other proposals for relocating former slaves to somewhere much closer. One option discussed was settling them in the new, sparsely-populated Western territories acquired with the Louisiana Purchase, or on the Pacific coast: creating a Black reservation, similar to an Indian reservation. Haiti was open to them, and there was an unsuccessful attempt to create an agricultural community of former American slaves on Île-à-Vache, Haiti. Abraham Lincoln's plan was to settle them in what is today Panama (see Linconia). Even Florida Governor Napoleon Bonaparte Broward proposed, in 1907, sending Blacks to a land the federal government would purchase, there to live permanently, in isolation from whites. [18]

Founding Edit

The ACS had its origins in 1816, when Charles Fenton Mercer, a Federalist member of the Virginia General Assembly, discovered accounts of earlier legislative debates on black colonization in the wake of Gabriel Prosser's rebellion. Mercer pushed the state to support the idea. One of his political contacts in Washington City, John Caldwell, in turn contacted the Reverend Robert Finley, his brother-in-law and a Presbyterian minister, who endorsed the plan. [19]

On December 21, 1816, the society was officially established at the Davis Hotel in Washington, D.C.. Among the Society's supporters were Charles Fenton Mercer (from Virginia), Henry Clay (Kentucky), John Randolph (Virginia), Richard Bland Lee (Virginia), and Bushrod Washington (Virginia). [7] [20] [21] [22] [23] Slaveholders in the Virginia Piedmont region in the 1820s and 1830s comprised many of its most prominent members slave-owning United States presidents Thomas Jefferson, James Monroe, and James Madison were among its supporters. Madison served as the Society's president in the early 1830s. [24]

At the inaugural meeting of the Society, Reverend Finley suggested that a colony be established in Africa to take free people of color, most of whom had been born free, away from the United States. Finley meant to colonize "(with their consent) the free people of color residing in our country, in Africa, or such other place as Congress may deem most expedient". The organization established branches throughout the United States, mostly in Southern states. It was instrumental in establishing the colony of Liberia. [25]

The ACS was founded by groups otherwise opposed to each other on the issue of slavery. Slaveholders, such as those in the Maryland branch and elsewhere, believed that so-called repatriation was a way to remove free blacks from slave societies and avoid slave rebellions. [7] [a] Free blacks, many of whom had been in the United States for generations, also encouraged and assisted slaves to escape, and depressing their value. ("Every attempt by the South to aid the Colonization Society, to send free colored people to Africa, enhances the value of the slave left on the soil." [27] : 51 ) The Society appeared to hold contradictory ideas: free blacks should be removed because they could not benefit America on the other hand, free blacks would prosper and thrive under their own leadership in another land. [28] [b]

On the other hand, a coalition made up mostly of evangelicals, Quakers, philanthropists, and abolitionists supported abolition of slavery. [7] [26] They wanted slaves to be free and believed blacks would face better chances for freedom in Africa than in the United States, since they were not welcome in the South or North. [7] [26] [c] The two opposed groups found common ground in support of what they called "repatriation". [7]

Leadership Edit

The presidents of the ACS tended to be Southerners. The first president was Bushrod Washington, the nephew of U.S. President George Washington and an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. [22] [34] From 1836 to 1849 the statesman Henry Clay of Kentucky, a planter and slaveholder, was ACS president. John H. B. Latrobe served as president of the ACS from 1853 until his death in 1891. [35]

Goals Edit

The colonization project, which had multiple American Colonization Society chapters in every state, had three goals. One was to provide a place for former slaves, freedmen, and their descendants to live, where they would be free and not subject to racism. Another goal was to ensure that the colony had what it needed to succeed, such as fertile soil to grow crops. [36] A third goal was to suppress attempts to engage in the Atlantic slave trade, such as by monitoring ship traffic on the coast. [36] Presbyterian clergyman Lyman Beecher proposed another goal: the Christianization of Africa. [37] [d]

Úprava finančných prostriedkov

The Society raised money by selling memberships. [38] The Society's members pressured Congress and the President for support. In 1819, they received $100,000 from Congress, and on February 6, 1820, the first ship, the Elizabeth, sailed from New York for West Africa with three white ACS agents and 88 African-American emigrants aboard. [39] The approaches for selecting people and funding travel to Africa varied by state. [40]

Originally, colonization "had been pushed with diligence and paraded as the cure for the evils of slavery, and its benevolence was assumed on all hands. Everybody of consequence belonged to it." The following summary is from April 1834: [41]

The plan of colonizing free blacks, has been justly considered one of the noblest devices of Christian benevolence and enlightened patriotism, grand in its object, and most happily adapted to enlist the combined influence, and harmonious cooperation, of different classes of society. It reconciles, and brings together some discordant interests, which could not in any other plan be brought to meet in harmony. The Christian and the statesman here act together, and persons having entirely different views from each other in reference to some collateral points connected with the great subject, are moved towards the same point by a diversity of motives. It is a splendid conception, around which are gathered the hopes of the nation, the wishes of the patriot, the prayers of the Christian, and we trust, the approbation of Heaven.

The colonization movement "originated abolitionism", by arousing the free blacks and other opponents of slavery. [42]

Opposition from blacks Edit

From the beginning, "the majority of black Americans regarded the Society [with] enormous disdain." [43] : 143 Black activist James Forten immediately rejected the ACS, writing in 1817 that "we have no wish to separate from our present homes for any purpose whatever". [44] As soon as they heard about it, 3,000 blacks packed a church in Philadelphia, "the bellwether city for free blacks," and "bitterly and unanimously" denounced it. [1] : 261 Frederick Douglass, commenting on colonization, "Shame upon the guilty wretches that dare propose, and all that countenance such a proposition. We live here—have lived here—have a right to live here, and mean to live here." [45] Martin Delany, who believed that Black Americans deserved "a new country, a new beginning", called Liberia a "miserable mockery" of an independent republic, a "racist scheme of the ACS to rid the United States of free blacks." He proposed instead Central and South America as "the ultimate destination and future home of the colored race on this continent" (see Linconia). [46] A recent (2014) writer on Connecticut African Americans summarizes the attitude amongst them: [47]

African Americans viewed colonization as a means of defrauding them of the rights of citizenship and a way of tightening the grip of slavery. . The tragedy was that African Americans began to view their ancestral home with disdain. They dropped the use of "African" in names of their organizations. and used instead [of African American] "The Colored American."

While claiming to aid African Americans, in some cases, to stimulate emigration, it made conditions for them worse. For example, "the Society assumed the task of resuscitating the Ohio Black Codes of 1804 and 1807. . Between 1,000 and 1,200 free blacks were forced from Cincinnati." [1] : 262 A meeting was held in Cincinnati on January 17, 1832 to discuss colonization, which resulted in a series of resolutions. First, they had a right to freedom and equality. They felt honor-bound to protect the country, the "land of their birth", and the Constitution. They were not familiar with Africa, and should have the right to make their own decisions about where they lived. They recommended that if black people wish to leave the United States, they consider Canada or Mexico, where they would have civil rights and a climate that is similar to what they are accustomed. The United States was large enough to accommodate a colony, and would be much cheaper to implement. They question the motives of ACS members who cite Christianity as a reason for removing blacks from America. Since there were no attempts to improve the conditions of black people who lived in the United States, it is unlikely that white people would watch out for their interests thousands of miles away. [48]

Opposition from whites Edit

Wm. Lloyd Garrison Edit

Wm. Lloyd Garrison, as he always signed himself, began publication of his abolitionist newspaper, Osloboditeľ, in 1831, followed in 1832 by his Thoughts on African Colonization. According to President Lincoln, it was “the logic and moral power of Garrison and the antislavery people of the country” that put emancipation on the country’s political agenda. [49] Garrison himself joined it in good faith." [50] : 63 All the important white future abolitionists supported the Society: besides Garrison, Gerrit Smith, the Tappans, and many others, as can be seen in the pages of the Society's African Repository.

Garrison objected to the colonization scheme because rather than eliminating slavery, its key goal, as he saw it, was to remove free black people from America, thereby avoiding slave rebellions. Besides not improving the lot of enslaved Africans, the colonization had made enemies of native people of Africa. Both he and Gerrit Smith were horrified when they learned that alcohol was being sold in Liberia. [51] : 178–179 [52] : 230 He questioned the wisdom of sending African Americans, along with white missionaries and agents, to such an unhealthy place. In addition, it meant that fewer slaves achieved their freedom: "it hinders the manumission of slaves by throwing their emancipation upon its own scheme, which in fifteen years has occasioned the manumission of less than four hundred slaves, while before its existence and operations during a less time thousands were set free." [53]

In the second number of Osloboditeľ, Garrison reprinted this commentary from the Boston Statesman: [54]

We were, however, rather surprised to see the proposal of sending the free negroes to Africa as returning them to their native land. It would be as well at least to talk of sending these reverend gentlemen back to England as their native land. The negro is just as much a native here as are these reverend gentlemen themselves.—Here the negro was born, here bred, here are his earliest and pleasantest associations—here is all that binds him to earth and makes life valuable. If the welfare of the negro, and not a new scheme for begging, be really the object in view, we desire the reverend gentlemen to step forward and vindicate the rights of the negroes trampled upon by their brethren in Park Street. If they would really promote the happiness of the negro, let their efforts be directed to raise the oppressed black in the scale of moral elevation here. Let them admit him to more rights in the social world—but unless they desire to be laughed at by all sincere and thinking men, they had better abandon the Quixotic plan of colonizing the Southern negroes at the cost of the North, until we can free our own borders from poverty, ignorance and distress.

Gerrit Smith Edit

The philanthropist Gerrit Smith had been, as put by Society Vice-President Henry Clay, "among the most munificent patrons of this Society." [55]

This support changed to furious and bitter rejection when he realized, in the early 1830s, that the society was "quite as much an Anti-Abolition, as Colonization Society". [56] "This Colonization Society had, by an invisible process, half conscious, half unconscious, been transformed into a serviceable organ and member of the Slave Power." It was "an extreme case of sham reform". [50] : 63 In November 1835, he sent the Society a letter with a check, to conclude his existing commitments, and said there would not be any more from him, because: [56]

The Society is now, and has been for some time, far more interested in the question of slavery, than in the work of Colonization—in the demolition of the Anti-Slavery Society, than in the building up of its Colony. I need not go beyond the matter and spirit of the last few numbers of its periodical for the justification of this remark. Were a stranger to form his opinion by these numbers, it would be, that the Society issuing them was quite as much an Anti-Abolition, as Colonization Society. . It has come to this, however, that a member of the Colonization Society cannot advocate the deliverance of his enslaved fellow men, without subjecting himself to such charges of inconsistency, as the public prints abundantly cast on me, for being at the same time a member of that Society and an Abolitionist. . Since the late alarming attacks, in the persons of its members, on the right of discussion, (and astonishing as it is, some of the suggestions for invading this right are impliedly countenanced in the African Repository,) I have looked to it, as being also the rallying point of the friends of this right. To that Society yours is hostile.

In 1821, Lt. Robert Stockton had pointed a pistol to the head of King Peter, which allowed Stockton to persuade King Peter to sell Cape Montserrado (or Mesurado) and to establish Monrovia. [57] In 1825 and 1826, Jehudi Ashmun, Stockton's successor, took steps to lease, annex, or buy tribal lands in Africa along the coast and along major rivers leading inland in Africa to establish an American colony. Stockton's actions inspired Ashmun to use aggressive tactics in his negotiations with King Peter and in May 1825, King Peter and other native kings agreed to a treaty with Ashmun. The treaty negotiated land to Ashmun and in return, the natives received three barrels of rum, five casks of powder, five umbrellas, ten pairs of shoes, ten iron posts, and 500 bars of tobacco, as well as other items. [58]

Of the 4,571 emigrants who arrived in Liberia between 1820 and 1843, only 1,819—40%—were alive in 1843. [59] [60] The ACS knew of the high death rate, but continued to send more people to the colony. [59]

It is an oversimplication to say simply that the American Colonization Society founded Liberia. Much of what would become Liberia was a collection of settlements sponsored by state colonization societies: Mississippi in Africa, Kentucky in Africa, the Republic of Maryland, and several others. The most developed of these, the Republic of Maryland, had its own constitution, statutes, [61] and flag. These separate colonies were eventually united into Liberia, but the process was not completed until 1857.

Beginning in 1825, the Society published the African Repository and Colonial Journal. Ralph Randolph Gurley (1797–1872), who headed the Society until 1844, edited the journal, which in 1850 simplified its title to African Repository. The journal promoted both colonization and Liberia. Included were articles about Africa, lists of donors, letters of praise, information about emigrants, and official dispatches that espoused the prosperity and continued growth of the colony. [62] After 1919, the society essentially ended, but it did not formally dissolve until 1964, when it transferred its papers to the Library of Congress. [63]

Since the 1840s, Lincoln, an admirer of Clay, had been an advocate of the ACS program of colonizing blacks in Liberia. Early in his presidency, Abraham Lincoln tried repeatedly to arrange resettlement of the kind the ACS supported, but each arrangement failed. [ potrebná citácia ]

The ACS continued to operate during the American Civil War, and colonized 168 blacks during the conflict. It sent 2,492 people of African descent to Liberia in the following five years following the war. The federal government provided a small amount of support for these operations through the Freedmen's Bureau. [64]

Some scholars believe that Lincoln abandoned the idea by 1863, following the use of black troops. Biographer Stephen B. Oates has observed that Lincoln thought it immoral to ask black soldiers to fight for the U.S. and then to remove them to Africa after their military service. Others, such as the historian Michael Lind, believe that as late as 1864, Lincoln continued to hold out hope for colonization, noting that he allegedly asked Attorney General Edward Bates if the Reverend James Mitchell could stay on as "your assistant or aid in the matter of executing the several acts of Congress relating to the emigration or colonizing of the freed Blacks". [65] Mitchell, a former state director of the ACS in Indiana, had been appointed by Lincoln in 1862 to oversee the government's colonization programs. [ potrebná citácia ]

By late into his first term as president, Lincoln had publicly abandoned the idea of colonization after speaking about it with Frederick Douglass, [66] who objected harshly to it. On April 11, 1865, with the war drawing to a close, Lincoln gave a public speech at the White House supporting suffrage for blacks, a speech that led actor John Wilkes Booth, who was vigorously opposed to emancipation and black suffrage, to assassinate him. [67]

Colonizing proved expensive under the leadership of Henry Clay the ACS spent many years unsuccessfully trying to persuade the U.S. Congress to fund emigration. The ACS did have some success, in the 1850s, with state legislatures, such as those of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey. In 1850, the state of Virginia set aside $30,000 annually for five years to aid and support emigration. The Society, in its Thirty-fourth Annual Report, acclaimed the news as "a great Moral demonstration of the propriety and necessity of state action!" [68] [40] During the 1850s, the Society also received several thousand dollars from the New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Missouri, and Maryland legislatures. Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Mississippi set up their own state societies and colonies on the coast next to Liberia. [68] However, the funds that ACS took in were inadequate to meet the Society's stated goals. "For the fourteen years preceding 1834, the receipts of that society, needing millions for its proposed operations, had averaged only about twenty-one thousand dollars a year. It had never obtained the confidence of the American people". [69]

Three of the reasons the movement never became very successful were lack of interest by free blacks, opposition by some abolitionists, [70] and the scale and costs of moving many people (there were 4 million freedmen in the South after the Civil War). [71] There were millions of black slaves in the United States, but colonization only transported a few thousand free blacks. [7]

In 1913, and again at its formal dissolution in 1964, the Society donated its records to the U.S. Library of Congress. The donated materials contain a wealth of information about the founding of the society, its role in establishing Liberia, efforts to manage and defend the colony, fundraising, recruitment of settlers, conditions for black citizens of the American South, and the way in which black settlers built and led the new nation. [72]

Following the outbreak of the First World War, the ACS sent a cablegram to President Daniel Howard of Liberia, warning him that any involvement in the war could lead to Liberia's territorial integrity being violated regardless of which side might come out on top. [73]

In Liberia, the Society maintained offices at the junction of Ashmun and Buchanan Streets at the heart of Monrovia's commercial district, next to the True Whig Party headquarters in the Edward J. Roye Building. Its offices at the site closed in 1956 when the government demolished all the buildings at the intersection for the purpose of constructing new public buildings there. Nevertheless, the land officially remained the property of the Society into the 1980s, amassing large amounts of back taxes because the Ministry of Finance could not find an address to which to send property tax bills. [74]

In the 1950s, racism was an increasingly important issue and by the late 1960s and 1970s it had been forced to the forefront of public consciousness by the civil rights movement. The prevalence of racism invited a revaluation of the Society's motives, prompting historians to examine the ACS in terms of racism more than its stance on slavery. [75] By the 1980s and 1990s, historians were going even further in reimagining the ACS. Not only were they focusing on the racist rhetoric of the Society's members and publications, but some also depicted the Society as proslavery organization. [76] Recently however, some scholars have retreated from an analysis of the ACS as proslavery, and with some characterizing it as an antislavery organization again. [77]

  1. ^ Although Randolph believed that the removal of free blacks would "materially tend to secure" slave property, the vast majority of early members wanted to free African slaves and their descendants and provide them with the opportunity to "return" to Africa. [26]
  2. ^Henry Clay thought that deportation of free blacks was preferable to trying to integrate them in America, believing that: "unconquerable prejudice resulting from their color, they never could amalgamate with the free whites of this country. It was desirable, therefore, as it respected them, and the residue of the population of the country, to drain them off." [29]
  3. ^ In the north, for instance, there were negative beliefs about African Americans. One was that some northerners felt that African Americans had a natural tendency toward criminality. "Massachusetts politician Edward Everett spoke for many Northern colonizationists when he supported colonizing free blacks, whom he described as vagabonds, criminals, and a drain on Northern society." [30] Another belief was that African Americans could not be educated or become citizens since they were believed to be mentally inferior to whites, and thus unfit for citizenship. As formulated by racist author Thomas Dixon Jr., "The negro is a human donkey. You can train him, but you can't make of him a horse." [31] Some Society members were openly racist and frequently argued that free blacks would be unable to assimilate into the white society of the United States. John Randolph, a Virginia politician and major slaveholder, said that free blacks were "promoters of mischief". [32] The proposed solution was to have free Blacks deported from the United States "back to Africa". [33]
  4. ^ Presbyterian clergyman Lyman Beecher said of the goal to Christianize Africa:

It is not necessary that the Colonization Society should be or claim to be an adequate remedy for slavery. Her great and primary object, is the emancipation of Africa, while she anticipated as an incidental result, the emancipation of the colored race at home. But if time has disclosed what she could not foresee, she may bow submissively to the providential will of heaven. [37]


Exodus: Blacks fled the South in droves more than a century ago, seeking true freedom

Slavery and the Great Migration are but two of 13 mass movements of black people that changed the nation, according to Schomburg Center historians.

Afi-Odelia Scruggs, Special to USA TODAY

Published 9:17 p.m. ET March 6, 2019 | Updated 4:23 p.m. ET March 11, 2019

In the decade after the Civil War, former slaves in the South searched for a way out. They were sickened and exhausted by the racist terrorism that had followed emancipation. Though freed from slavery, African Americans were routinely cheated, attacked and killed by whites who tolerated them barely, if at all.

&ldquoBlacks who realized that Southern whites viewed them as basically units of labor . insisted that Negroes would have to leave the South,&rdquo historian Nell Irvin Painter wrote in her 1976 book, "Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas After Reconstruction."

So they left. The so-called Exodusters moved west to Kansas. Some settled in cities like Topeka and Kansas City, and others established towns like Bogue and Nicodemus in the western part of the state. By 1880, thousands had taken part in what historians call the first major migration of former slaves.

This western exodus has been overlooked in many tellings of black history. But scholars are using it and other mass migrations to construct a new framework for studying black history and experiences. Moving beyond focusing only on slavery and its consequences, scholars have identified 13 distinct migrations that &ldquoformed and transformed African America,&rdquo according to the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, a division of the New York Public Library.

Some are well known. The transatlantic and domestic slave trades are the largest of the migrations and also the only ones that were involuntary. The Great Migration of the 20th century &ndash the movement of blacks from the rural South to the cities of the North &ndash is also a touchstone of popular history.

Others are less often discussed: Haitian immigration to the United States in the late 1700s and early 1800s the movement of free African-Americans to the North in the 1840s and immigration from Africa and the Caribbean since the 1970s. The voluntary migrations demonstrate independence and a willingness to make choices for a better life &ndash what scholars call agency. &ldquoThat&rsquos action. That&rsquos taking your life in your hands,&rdquo said Painter, a professor emeritus at Princeton. &ldquoThat&rsquos the very definition of agency.&rdquo

Sylviane Diouf, visiting professor at Brown University&rsquos Center for the Study of Slavery and Justice, said studying migration compensates for a bias found in conventional depictions of black history.

&ldquoThe slave trade, slavery, emancipation, Jim Crow and civil rights &ndash it&rsquos mostly what has been done to (African-Americans),&rdquo Diouf said. &ldquoBut when you look at history through migration, you see how people were agents of their own future.&rdquo

Diouf and Howard Dodson, director emeritus of the Schomburg center, were the experts behind &ldquoIn Motion,&rdquo a multimedia exhibit and research project on African-American migrations.

The migration timeline starts in the 15th century with the transatlantic slave trade. From 1492 to 1776, about 6.5 million people came to the Western Hemisphere. Only 1 million of them were Europeans the rest were enslaved Africans.

&ldquoThe transatlantic slave trade laid the foundation for modern capitalism, generating immense wealth for business enterprises in America and Europe,&rdquo the exhibit says. At the same time, the devastating effects in Africa paved the way for European colonization of the continent.

Dodson says the slave trade also created a unique New World culture.

&ldquoA lot of people think about Africa as a country, (but) it&rsquos a continent with diverse ethnic, religious and cultural groups. The population that was enslaved was drawn from all of these,&rdquo Dodson said. &ldquoIn the context of the slave experience, they transform into a new people, creating new languages, new religions, new forms of cultural expression.&rdquo

Most of the millions of slaves brought to the New World went to the Caribbean and South America. An estimated 500,000 were taken directly from Africa to North America. But those numbers were buttressed by the domestic slave trade, which started in the 1760s &ndash a half century before legal importation of slaves ended.

&ldquoThe domestic slave trade displaced about 1.2 million African-Americans from the upper South to the Deep South,&rdquo Diouf said. &ldquoPeople from Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina were forced to go by foot and by train to the Deep South to develop cotton plantations.&rdquo

The impetus was the cotton gin, invented in 1794. Eli Whitney&rsquos machine lowered production costs and helped make cotton fabric affordable. The increased demand led to increased cultivation and created a plantation economy dependent on slave labor. Before Whitney&rsquos innovation, about 700,000 slaves lived in the South. By 1850 that population had soared to more than 3 million, according to the National History Education Clearinghouse.

Emancipation after the Civil War brought the hope of freedom, but the reality was more oppression.

The Nicodemus National Historic Site in Kansas commemorates the town founded by blacks who left the South after the Civil War. The side includes the town's former schoolhouse, seen at left.
(Photo: Will Pope, National Park Service)

&ldquoSlaves prayed for freedom, and then they got it,&rdquo former slave Patsy Mitchner said in 1937 when interviewed for the Works Progress Administration&rsquos oral history of slavery. &ldquoThey was turned out with nowhere to go and nothing to live on. They had no experience in looking out for themselves, and nothing to work with and no land.&rdquo

Technically Mitchner was wrong. On Jan. 16, 1865, Gen. William T. Sherman issued a field order setting aside 400,000 acres in coastal Georgia, South Carolina and Florida for the new freedmen. But that order was short-lived. President Andrew Johnson, a Confederate sympathizer, returned the property to plantation owners in 1865 &ndash just months after the assassination of his predecessor, Abraham Lincoln. Thus another promise was given and broken.

In fact, the only asset many former slaves had was their labor, Painter wrote in "Exodusters." They rented the land they worked, usually paying white landlords with a share of the crop. The landlord kept the books, so the workers invariably came up short.

In her book, Painter quoted a letter that a freed slave from Texas, Jasper Arnold, wrote about his plight.

&ldquoWe are hard working people here &hellip and give hige rent and big interest &hellip we work and work and everry year we jest cand come out evean," Arnold wrote to the governor of Kansas around 1879.

Add in the violence visited upon freed people and conditions were truly abominable. In fact, Painter began researching the circumstances of former slaves because she had a question: Why did people stay in such a horrible situation?

&ldquoThe answer was they didn&rsquot,&rdquo she said.

The new freedmen initially headed west at the urging of recruiters like Benjamin &ldquoPap&rdquo Singleton. He was born into slavery in 1809 in Nashville, Tennessee. When he was 37, he escaped and headed to Detroit. After the Civil War, he came back to Tennessee, where he tried to help blacks buy land. When that failed, he traveled the South, organizing blacks to resettle in Kansas. He eventually headed west with 300 homesteaders in 1873.

His colonies eventually faltered, but his efforts flourished. As conditions in the South became more unbearable, blacks left by the thousands in a movement Harper&rsquos Magazine called &ldquoThe Great Negro Exodus.&rdquo Because of Singleton&rsquos fliers, many blacks headed to Kansas. But they went north as well.

In fact, so many left the South that a Senate committee investigated the matter. Conspiracy theorists at the time claimed Republicans were settling freedmen in states like Indiana and Kansas for political gain. But a minority report blamed the crisis on repressive Southern Democrats, while noting how leaders like Singleton organized efforts to give blacks a new start.

&ldquoHere then, we have conclusive proof from the negroes themselves that they have been preparing this movement for many years,&rdquo the minority committee members wrote in 1879.

Such mobility placed blacks in the center of the American experience, which looks to movement as symbolic of freedom, and a means to start afresh.

&ldquoWhat was so devastating in slavery was the inability to move. Given that, we see lots of movement,&rdquo Painter said. &ldquoAmericans are famously movers. Everywhere you look in American history, you will find people on the move.&rdquo

That movement continues into the 21st century. Since 1970, more Africans have come directly to the USA than were brought here during the slave trade. According to the Pew Research Center, 1.6 million African immigrants lived the United States in 2016. That's more than double the 547,000 who lived here in 2000.

Dodson notes that migration is once again transforming not only the African-American community, but the entire country.

&ldquoMigration is not simply a demographic phenomenon. It&rsquos cultural, it&rsquos political, it&rsquos economic. &hellip Our presence changes the nature of the physical and cultural geography of the United States itself.&rdquo

Afi-Odelia Scruggs is a journalist and author of "Claiming Kin: Confronting the History of an African American Family."


Pozri si video: From slave to rebel gladiator: The life of Spartacus - Fiona Radford


Komentáre:

  1. Pittheus

    tak filozoficky...

  2. JoJogami

    Dedicated to everyone who expected good quality.

  3. Dimuro

    Počúvaj, netrávme na to viac času.

  4. Jan

    Myslím, že nemáš pravdu. Napíšte mi do PM, porozprávame sa.

  5. Sajas

    Lesklý text. Človek má hneď pocit, že autor odviedol kus práce.



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